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When the glands of the mesentery become scirrhous, the patients are liable to a flow fever ; their pulse is quick and sometimes irregular, but is never so now as in health. In the case of worms in the stomach and intestines, although the pulse be generally quick, yet sometimes it is lower than natural, and irregular ; but when this happens, the skin is cool, and there is no fever. But in the dropsy of the brain, when the pulse becomes slow and irregular, neither the heat of the skin, nor any other of the feverith symptoms, are senlibly abated ; for in this case the motion of the heart is not accelerated in proportion to the degree of heat and fever.
• We often find a flow irregular pulse, in persons of a delicate habit, when labouring under cramps of the stomach, spara modic colics, and violent nervous headachs (as they are commonly called); but it is observable, that in such cases this kind of pulse is always attended with a cool skin.
• When therefore with a slow and irregular pulse we meet with thirst and a feverish heat, watching, à Arabismus, or double fight, a delirium, and screaming, succeeding the symp. toms mentioned in the first stage, we may strongly suspect water in the ventricles of the brain. But this is still more evident, when foon after the patient grows comatose, the pupil dilates and loses its motion, the pulse becomes quick, the cheeks are flushed, the tendons start, and convulsions follow.
• It is true, indeed, that some of these very symptoms are observed towards the end of common fevers, in which, from the brain being much affected, the patient falls into a coma before his death. But a fever froin water in the brain is easily distinguished from others, by attending to the whole course of the disease, and particularly to the pulle, which, after having been at first quick, becomes flow and irregular ; and, lastly, acquires a greater frequency than ever. Besides, the screaming, squinting, and dilatation of the pupil, rarely occur in other fevers.
• The symptoms of no distemper resemble these of water in the brain so much as those which arise from worms in the stomach ; for with a slow fever there is a want of appetite, vomiting, pain in the head, raving, and convulsions; but when worms in the 1tomach or inteitines occasion a Now and irregular pulse, the patients have not that feverith heat fo obo servable in the internal hydrocephalus.'
The causes and cure of this disorder are so much the same with those of other dropfies, that we forbear to mention them. We cannot, however, conclude this article without observing, that the symptoms of the disease here treated of are accounted for in that ingenious manner, which so much distinguished
this celebrated author, whose productions have ever afforded us the highest satisfaction, and will remain a more lasting monument of his medical abilities, than the temporary fame we can bestow.
V. Libellus de Natura, Caufa, Curationeque Scorbuti. Aú&tore
Nathanaële Hulme, M. D. To which is annexed, a Proposal
scurvy in long sea-voyages, muft render the confidera. tion of it of the highest importance to all maritime and com, mercial nations ; and every attempt to ascertain the molt proper method of curing it, lays claim to the attention of the public. Dr. Lind, whose Treatise is the best that has been written on the scurvy, has imputed the production of the diforder partly to a moisture of the atmosphere; but the author of this dissertation contends that it is the coldness, and not any humidity of the air, which is a principal predisponent cause. As a specimen of the style and Latinity of this small treatise, which is an useful abridgement on the subject, we have selected the following passage, on account of its containing two uncommon facts, not generally known.
• Uptote cum autem, in regionibus femper calidis, foramina cutis adeo patula fint, ut materia putrescens corpore exeat aeque cito ac generatur, morbus rarius apparebit ; quamvis idem genus cibi assumitur, quod certe scorbutum in frigidioribus locis crearet, ubi materia putrescens magis frigore obferatur et retinetur. Ob hanc caufam quoque fit, regiones frigidas, magis obnoxias huic vitio efle, quam calidiores ; et hieme, quam aestate. In India enim Occidentali, sub coelo Caribbaco, nautae noftri diaeta marina utentes, salvis tamen corporibus, salem ipsum, ex omni parte corporis, fub fpecie sudoris expulerunt, et in copia quoque vix credibili. Vidi enim eum falem fic insudare per calceamenta, maxime ad oras eorum, ut cruftas falsas albas, iisdem inhaerentes, formet, ter vel quater spatio diei ; et cum idem linguae admoveretur, perquam stimulans, et acris erat; calceamenta quoque putrere, et dehiscere fecit. Si igitur per foramina pedum, tantum materiae ejicitur, quantum judicare liceat expelli per totam superficiem corporis, quae, his in regionibus calidis, femper femperque humore profluit? et quantum differentiae fit quoad quantitatem materiae, quae fic, dato tempore, iis locis calidis corpore ejicitur, ex ea, quae frigidis expellitur, minime difficile est conjectare ?
Haec materia per vias cutis fic expulsa, tam noxia eft, quam enecare ea animalia, quae, in frigidioribus regionibus, infestare corpus humanum folent, et a Graecis of cpso nominantur. Quamvis id mirum fortaffe quibusdam videatur, tamen res est bene cognita his sub zona torrida navigantibus. Idque quidem in inentem revocat, narratiunculam illain de quam maxime nobilissimo Don Quixote de la Mancha *. Hic enim, inter navigationem suam ulnas non multas numerantem, in rivo satis parvo, vultu serio res magnas intus teftante, armigerum suum humilem rogavit, ut totum corpus manu pedetentim percurreret, et perscrutaretur num forte, haec animalia adhuc non corpus reliquerant ; fimulque dixit ei, Hispanos ad Indiam navigantés, his absentibus, fatis certo fcire, an lineam aequinoctialein transiissent neche. Di&um factum ; Sancho enim obediens, poplitem finiftrum versus, manum caute sub veste admovit, et paulo post, vultum significantem magiftro attollens, Eques intelligens ei inquit, Invenist'n' unum igitur ? Imo plura, respondit Sancho, digitos simul celeriter quaflans; tum subito manum foedatam aquis bene lavit.'
To this dissertation is annexed a Proposal for preventing the Scurvy in the British Navy.
This important problem has been treated of by several authors, who have recommended the use of acids, or fermenting liquors. What is further urged in the present proposal is, that orange or lemon-juice and sugar should be so mixed with spirits and water, or wine and water, where sinall beer cannot be had, as to become, in a manner, the common drink of sailors when at sea. The expence of this juice, along with the sugar, the writer computes would scarcely amount to three farthings a day for each man ; which, though it inight rise to a contiderable sum, when calculated for the whole British navy, he thinks would be more than balanced by the reductions and other advantages attending the execution of such a plan.
. ist, The savings that would be made to the hospital expences, by having the men preserved from the scurvy. 2d, The expence of the elixir of vitriol and vinegar, which might be very well spared, if the native vegetable acid Mould be introduced, by way of diet, as is here proposed. 3d, The perpetual loss arising to the government, during a war, in raising men to supply the place of those who die of that fatal malady. th, The time the fleet may lie in harbour, or be supplied with vegetable refreshments from a fhore : suppose two or three
* . Famous adventure of the enchanted bark.
Vol. XXVI. Auguff, 1968.
months in the year. 5th, The many inconveniencies which arise to the fleet, in time of war, from being unhealthy when at sea ; or having many of their men left fick on shore.'
VI. Remarks and Disertations on Virgil ; with some other Classical
Observations: by the late Mr. Holdsworth. Published, with
some account of the Remarks contained in this volume, we now proceed to the Dissertations. Upon these our observations will be few, as the nature of their subjects will not permit us to be copious. We will endeavour, however, to perform what may be justly expected from us, and convey to our reader an adequate idea of their fcope and execution.
The first has for its title, “On the two Philippi," and is written in seven letters to C. J. Esq. Of this the direet pur. pose is to reconcile the seeming contradictions between the historical accounts of the two famous battles of Pharsalia * and Philippi, and the following passage of Virgil, which, as it has hitherto been understood, speaks of them as fought upon the fame spot.
Ergo inter sese paribus concurrere telis
Aemathiam, et laetos Haemi pinguescere campos.” The author, however, has not confined himself merely to Virgil. He has paid attention to feveral collateral considerations, and, in particular, endeavoured to defend the other poets, who, in mentioning these battles, ' agree with Virgil, and seem to have copied from him.'
Of the first Letter, the former part is employed in the explanation of the writer's design. Arguments are next adduced to shew the improbability of Virgil's committing fo material a mistake in the history of his own times ; and from hence occasion is taken to enumerate the writers, who,
upon an ill-grounded supposition that this was Virgil's meaning, have represented both battles as fought exa&tly on the fame spot." The fathers Catrou and Rouille are mentioned in particular, as having laboured, during their whole account of the war of
* The distance between Pharsalia in Thessaly, and Philippi on the borders of Thrace and Macedonia, according to the best accounts, is above two hundred miles,
Augustus and M. Antony against Brutus and Caffius, to prove, that their famous battle was fought on the plain between Pharfalia and the Theffalian Philippi; exactly on the fame spot where Pompey the Great had been defeated by Julius Cæsar.
In the second letter he proceeds to prove, upon the authority of Appian, that Brutus was defeated by Octavius near Philippi, on the borders of Thrace and Macedonia ; and in the third corroborates his testimony by that of Plutarch and D. Cassius, whose accounts are examined by our author in a manner which thews him to have been equally well acquainted with the geography and history of antiquity. The latter part of this letter specifies the objections of Catrou and Rouille to the authority of the above-mentioned hiftorians ; objections, we must own, very weak and unsatisfactory. They are of opinion, that the testimony of Virgil, Manilius, Ovid, and Lucan, almost all cotemporaries with Augustus, ought to prevail against three historians who were strangers, and who wrote above a century after the time we are speaking of.'
To these objections, however, Mr. Holdsworth has thought it neceffary to reply in a very particular manner; and to this end he has dedicated his fourth letter. In the first place he observes, that although they were not natives of Italy, they were all born subjects of Rome; and that notwithstanding they chose to write in the Greek language, they could not be unacquainted with the Latin tongue, as great part of their lives was passed in Rone, or in the neighbourhood of Rome, and as they were advanced to the highest dignities of the state. Of every advantage, therefore, requisite to their purpose, they must have been poffeffed. He farther remarks, that it is probable the three Greek historians were upon the spot, which cannot be affirmed of the poets; and, in proof of this, adduces reasons which we must own to be in some measure satisfactory. Upon the second objection, that 'they wrote above a century after the battle of Philippi,' he justly remarks, that it may have weight with regard to particular circumstances or springs of action, wherewith those who write in after-times cannot be fupposed to be so well acquainted as those who lived at or near the tiine; but that in the present enquiry, whether a remarkable battle was fought in this or that place, it is of little force. He next proceeds to enquire, 'whether thelę historians were furnished with proper materials for their history, whether they erred through inadvertency, or whether they did not wilfully endeavour to deceive us. That they were possessed of the means of information, he imagines few will dispute ; it is not probable that Auguftus, the great encourager of learning, would neglect furnishing his Palatine library with some me