has to perform in the present momentous struggle, for the freedom of Europe, has imparted new interest to every thing that bears relation to that gigantic power. In modern France, and indeed throughout the greater part of the continent, the art of war is the only one that appears to flourish; and though we hear much of the ostentatious protection shewn by Buonaparte to men of science, and the encouragement afforded to their works, the productions of the French press too clearly evince that the minds of the writers on political subjects in France are as much enslaved by the jealousy of the tyrant, as their persons are by the code of conscription. The same tone which pervades the bulletins of the Grand Army, is discoverable in all their writings on public matters, and no one can doubt that the severe control which Buonaparte has exercised over the press, has been throughout of incalculable advantage to his cause. We require, indeed, no farther proof of the importance which he attaches to this powerful instrument, than the order which was issued by Davoust on regaining possession of Hamburg, by which the inhabitants were required to give up all the publications that had appeared against the French during the short lived freedom of that city. Impressed as we are with this idea, our readers will believe that we did not enter on the perusal of the works before us with any sanguine expectation of meeting with much valuable or impartial information on the subject of Russia. She has proved herself` lately the most formidable opponent that Buonaparte ever had to contend with on the continent; and, excepting in some instances, where she has been led into a mistaken policy by the folly of her rulers, or by the pressure of the times, she has always sided with England in her wars against France. The alliance between the two countries is one which mutual interest will naturally point out, and their relations of amity are not liable to be broken by too close proximity, or by too great an equality in point of naval or military force. The The anonymous publication which we have selected for our purpose, is pronounced by those who are enabled to judge from the appearance of the types, to be the production of the Imperial Press, and we believe that it has undergone the revision which all works are subject to published in a similar manner. author does not profess to enter very deeply into the history or geography of the Russian empire, but to confine himself to a detail of the progress of its political power from its origin to the commencement of the 19th century, and with this view he appears to have consulted almost every modern work which has been published on the subject of Russia, or in any degree touched upon the A A 4 politics politics of the country, from the caustic accounts of Olearius down to the Edinburgh Review and the Travels of Sir T. M‘Gill. It was not to be expected that a French author, in preparing a compilation of this kind, should not turn with avidity to a work so congenial to his feelings, and so adapted to his purpose, as the first volume of Dr. Clarke's Travels in the North of Europe, and he accordingly has not neglected to quote from it, and to dwell, on every occasion, with peculiar delight, upon the exaggerated statements which it contains. As we understand that the events of the last campaign in Russia have failed to produce that change in the Doctor's sentiments, which we are inclined to believe they have done in those of many who had been misled by him, we doubt not he will be much flattered by this notice of his book; but we must be allowed to express our regret that it should have furnished such ample materials for the work before us. We must do the French author the justice to state, that he fairly confesses his inability to give entire credit to all the extraordinary facts which Dr. Clarke and other English travellers have related to the disparagement of Russia, and that he seems as much surprized as we ourselves could be, that such exaggerated, and in many instances, unfounded, censures of the characters, manners, and institutions of the Russians should be to be found principally in the writings of a nation connected with them by every tie of interest and friendship. The author thus expresses himself on the subject. 'Nous nous sommes attachés à citer des auteurs dont le caractère, le rang, ou la connaissance qu'ils avaient du pays, rendent le temoignage plus respectable; et s'il en est qui paraissent moins dignes de foi, on sera surpris de les trouver chez une nation dont les Russes devaient attendre le plus de menagemens: nos lecteurs nous sauront peut-être gré d'être plus modérés envers nos ennemis actuels, que les Anglais ne le sont envers leurs plus intimes alliés.' Our author informs us in his preface, that when he enters at all into detail on the nature of the country upon which he is writing, or on the manners of the inhabitants, he merely does so with the view of explaining the grand events in the political history of Russia, which have produced that progressive rise in her power and importance which it is his intention to describe. He has, in this respect, followed the example of many others who have written for political purposes, and we look in vain to the compilation before us for any fresh information on several most interesting subjects relative to the internal state of Russia. As we shall touch upon the chief points which are worth adverting to, in our remarks upon M. Montgalliard, we shall only observe observe that the anonymous work is interlarded with such reflections as the actual position of Russia would naturally suggest, and with the usual strain of abuse against this country; and we shall confine ourselves to a few remarks chiefly on the errors into which the author has fallen from a want of judgment in the selection of the authorities he has consulted. He has been led astray, in some instances, by Dr. Clarke, though certainly not in the same degree that many others have been. That gentleman is kind enough to warn us against giving credit to Puffendorf, who observes, (for this is the passage, we presume, to which the Doctor alludes,)- Qu'on se tromperoit beaucoup si, pour connoître les Russes d'aujourdhui, on s'arrêtoit aux portraits qui ont été faits de cette nation, avant le commencement de ce siècle.' We should be disposed to extend this caution to writings of a later period: had the author himself, for instance, attended to it, he might have escaped many inaccuracies. Thus, he estimates the population of the Krimea at nearly one half less than it was previously to the occupation of that peninsula by the Russians. We have always understood, on the contrary, and from authority which we are less inclined to dispute than that of Dr. Clarke, that the Tartars at first did emigrate by thousands, from apprehension of their new masters, but that on finding they were allowed to enjoy their former privileges and possessions, they almost all returned. The general air of comfort visible throughout that part of the Krimea which they inhabit, affords reason to believe that they by no means repent of having done so. The filthy employment in which Dr. Clarke asserts, that' beauteous princesses of Mosco' are occupied, as well as every other Russian, let his rank be what it may, is glanced at by the Frenchman as a proof of the indelicacy of the English taste, presuming somewhat unfairly from the particular to the general, that the Doctor would not have inserted such disgusting details unless agreeable to the bulk of his readers: and he amusingly enough attributes the exaggerations of which he conceives the Doctor is guilty in his accounts of the superstition of the Russian people, to his being a member of the reformed religion. A long quotation is given by our author descriptive of the eternal flagellation which Dr. Clarke asserts is exercised in Russia, from one quarter of the empire to the other. Even in the time of Paul this was far from being a true statement. That Emperor's delight was rather to punish by some ridiculous device, than by any severity of discipline. Had cruelty been his characteristic, the Doctor himself might not, perhaps, have escaped a journey to Siberia; but even in this land of liberty we have been called a flogged flogged nation,' and we ought not therefore to be surprized that Russia has not escaped a similar imputation. Tuberville, who was secretary of embassy in the reign of Ivan IV. amused the world by a poetical account of what he had seen in Russia, and our author observes as a national trait, that, after abusing the Russians in return for all the kindness he had experienced at their hands, to such a degree as to render him liable to the charge of ingratitude, he declares that he had suppressed much offensive matter from apprehension of endangering our commercial interests in that country. In those days we see that authors were sometimes induced by a sense of propriety to compress their observations, and we wish Dr. Clarke had profited by Tuberville's example. We cannot give our readers a better specimen of the author's stile, and of his talents for accurate comparisons, than by calling their attention to the following passage, wherein he traces some points of resemblance between this country and Russia. Il y a encore entre l'Angleterre et la Russie des points de rapprochement que la disparité si apparente de leur constitution politique et morale ne peut empêcher d'apercevoir. La première tient assujettis sous son sceptre des peuples aussi opposés de mœurs, de religion, et même de langage, que ceux qui composent le vaste empire des Russies. Le fier montagnard Ecossais, le robuste Irlandais, l'Indien effeminé, ne sont pas plus façonnés au joug Britannique que l'habitant du Caucase, le brave Tartare ou le guerrier Polonais à l'oppression Moscovite. Le gouvernement Russe, tout despotique qu'il parait, doit peut être encore aujourdhui toute sa vigueur à l'esprit orgueilleux de ses anciens boyards, tour à tour les maîtres et les esclaves du trône; cet esprit se courbe et se relève comme par un ressort mystérieux dont le développement imprévu a souvent produit de soudaines et terribles catastrophes. On pourrait lui comparer l'oligarchie ténébreuse qui régit en secret les affaires de la Grande Bretagne. Que quelques lords s'assemblent à Londres dans une taverne, avec les chefs du parti populaire, le ministère tombe, et l'axe du monde politique est ébranlé: qu'une faction se forme au sein de la cour de Russie, qu'un Orloff soulève quelques compagnies des gardes, et l'empire change de maître. Il y a donc, dans deux gouvernements si différents par leur forme, un principe égal d'inquiétude, de discorde, et d'activité, qui les pousse incessamment à troubler l'harmonie du système général, et sur cette simple donnée, il serait encore possible de prouver que la Russie et l'Angleterre ont occasioné presque toutes les guerres du dernier siècle." The conclusion of this work, which affects the prophetic character, calls for no particular observation, except it be that we do not recollect a more decided instance of an unfortunate prediction than the following. On ne verra plus les farouches enfans du nord menacer nos cam pagnes, pagnes, nos cités et nos arts; déjà ils ont fui la terre fertile qu'ils avaient desolée. Bientot ils maudiront l'alliance d'Albion, elle n'empêchera point qu'ils ne reconnaissent enfin des barrières, que leur orgueil n'osera plus franchir.' We now turn to M. Montgalliard. We scarcely expected that any French author would have been found hardy enough to touch upon so delicate a subject as the second Polish war, at a moment so replete with disaster to the French arms as the close of the year 1812; and we considered such a publication at such a time as an additional proof of French assurance; but as the work was written at the commencement of the war it should rather be called an exposé of the causes which produced the rupture between the two powers, or the prospectus of a campaign intended to be fought; for it is unnecessary for us to observe, that the triumphal result which was foretold as destined to attend the arms of Buonaparte has happily been only in anticipation. It appears that the French army in taking the field last year was accompanied by the usual train of men of science in different departments, whose productions were intended to perpetuate the triumphs of their master; and M. Montgalliard, we suppose, was employed on this service. He was well known in this country some few years ago, and at that time was chiefly distinguished for the inveterate hatred which he expressed to the present ruler of the French government. He is now a count of the empire, and we do not recollect ever to have seen a more nauseous dose of flattery than he has administered to the author of his fortunes in the work before us. It is in fact only a more enlarged view of that position which we have seen laid down in every state-paper that has of late years proceeded from the pen of Buonaparte:-that Russia and England are the sole causes of the desolating war which has for so long a period extended its ravages to every quarter of the globe; and that nothing short of the total expulsion of the Russians from Europe, and the dismemberment of their overgrown empire can secure the civilized countries of the south from being a second time overrun by the barbarians of the north, or preserve the whole world from becoming subject to the tyranny which England has so long exercised over the seas. The means which our author conceives adequate to avert these dreadful calamities are the re-establishment of the kingdom of Poland, and the restoration of the Ottoman empire to its pristine splendor; and these objects he considers as sufficient to justify 'cette foule de victoires que les armées Françaises sont maintenant obligées de remporter sur le Volga et sur le Neva:' and, though the Poles may be pardoned for doubting the propriety of the |