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lishment. The opinion, it is true, was anonymous,' but it was not justified by umanied arguments'—it was not justified at all-it was not 'argued at al:-it was, as we said before, casually mentioned: but we do not hesitate now to say, and we are ready to support it by argunent, that it would be a great improvement in the home management, if the Court of Directors, like their servants in India, were prohibited from private trade; if their numbers were reduced, their salaries increased, and their patronage divided.

We will only for the present ask Mr. Grant three simple questions :

1. Can it be expected that a director of the East India Company, who is directly or indirectly connected with ship-building on the river Thames, will, in any emergency, encourage the building of ships in India where he has no connection?

2. Can a director, who may happen to be largely concerned in the importation of hemp and naval stores from the Baltic, who may perhaps have a contract to supply the navy with them, be expected to encourage the growth and importation of hemp and naval stores, in and from India ? And,

3. Can he be expected to give liis time to the public concern, for which he receives 3001. a year, when his owu immediate concerns press so much inore forcibly on his attention ?

With these questions we take our leave of Mr. Grant, assuring him that he is not mistaken in ascribing to us the negative merit of 'good intentions ;' and assuring him also of our just and respectful estimate of the promise which this work displays of abilities to be hereafter, we doubtnot, conspicuously exerted for the public benefit. If we confess that it also evinces strong prejudices, and prejudices, as we think, often unfounded, and often exaggerated, we say po more in this than that a mind evidently of masculine vigour and constitution, has nevertheless not been able to resist the powerful and incessant assailments of early impressions, of near interests, and of the best affections of nature. We disclaim (and he does us the justice to believe our disclaimer) all hostility to the East India Company: but it is one thing not to wish wautonly to invade its privileges; and another to be ready to maintain them, by the sacrifice of the common rights of those, who, without aiming at being the fellow-sovereigus of the Company, cannot quite forget that the individuals composing that sovereignty are, after all, their own fellow-subjects. We do not think the greatness of the East India Company at all inconsistent with a just consultation of the paramount interests of this country; we think it mainly conducive to the good of India. It is the advocates of the Company, and they alone, that bring into doubt the compatibility of these different, but, as we conceive, consenting interests, when they contend

that

that to open India, or to let loose England, to a commercial intercourse, not unfettered but enlarged, is to overthrow the fabric of the Company's power. It is they, and not we, who mout the question, whether, if the choice must be made, Parliament ought to prefer the continued existence of the East India Company, for its own sake, on its present system, unaltered and unalterable for all time to come, or an increase of happiness to fifty millions of native subjects, and of wealth, strength, and firnness to the British empire. We deny that such is the alternative on which parliament bas to decide. We contend, indeed, that the happiness of India and the prosperity of England are the objects for which parliament ought to legislate, and that the East India Company is but the means of attaining those objects; but it is surely enough for the Company, enough both for its interests and its reputation, that we admit (arid we make the admission with cheerfulness and sincerity) that through its instrumentality, moulded by the wisdom, and acting under the continued superintendence of parliament, those objects may be most safely, and most beneicially pursued.

An attack has been pointed out to us, in an Italian Journal, on an article in No. XVI. on the letters of Jacopo Ortis. It is not our intention to enter into a discuss on, with any one, on matters of taste or opinion; but on a question of fact, we would not be wholly silent. The critics impugn what we delivered respecting the birth-place of Ugo Foscolo, and the existence of such a person as Jacopo Orris. Our authority for both is the Signor Barzoni, one of whose works we have introduced to the knowlevige of the reader in the present Number. This gentlen an well remembered the suicide of Oris, which a particular circumstance had strongly impressed upon his mind. His testimony was subsequently confirmed to us by another Venetian gentleman, at present, we believe, in the house of Mr. Fagan, the British Consul at Palermo.

ERRATUM in No. XVI.
Page 316, line 6, for Gustavus III. read Gustavus IV.

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