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8th, Alexander Carfrae, journeyman printer, in the office of Stewart, Ruthven, and company, printers in Edinburgh.

9th, Robert Burns, journeyman printer, in the office of the said Mundell and Son. 10th, Thomas Russell, foreman in the office of the said Mundell and Son.

11th, Charles Stott, journeyman printer, in Edinburgh.

12th, Archibald Tod, foreman in the office of Stewart Ruthven, and company, printers in Edinburgh.

13th, Adam Dowie, printer in the office of Murray and Cochran, printers in Edinburgh.

14th, James Ruthven, printer in Edinburgh. 15th, Thomas Laurie, apprentice to Stewart Ruthven, and company, printers in Edinburgh.

The procurators for the panels thereupon declared, that they closed their evidence in exculpation.

The Lord Advocate, in a very eloquent and impressive manner summed up the evidence on the part of the Crown.

' name.

In the course of his speech, his lordship took occasion to observe,That with respect to the association denominated the Friends ' of the People, he found no fault with the He, as his fathers before him, always did, and would profess himself a Friend of the People, but that friendship 'could only be through the medium of the law and the constitution; that in any other way, the real interests and happiness of the 'people never could be promoted; and that any other person, who, by any other means, pretended to benefit the people, was, in place of being their friend, their greatest ' enemy.'

Mr. Wight next addressed the Jury with much ability and ingenuity on the part of the panels, and stated every argument to take off the force of the evidence. He admitted that the crime charged was of a very aggravated and heinous nature; that he was no friend to those associations denominated the Friends of the People; that with regard to Paine's book, he never had read, nor ever would read it, as he understood the doctrines were equally absurd as seditious. He then went into the merits of the proof, and endeavoured to show, that the panels could have had no serious intention to create any sedition, from the circumstances attending their conduct all along; and that the evidence adduced on the part of the prosecutor was in several respects defective.

The Lord Justice Clerk charged the jury, and stated with great accuracy and ability, the substance of the whole of the evidence that had been adduced on both sides.

The assize were then ordained to enclose, and return their verdict next day at 11 o'clock.

Wednesday, 9th January, 1793. Intran,

John Morton, apprentice to Stewart Ruthven and company, printers in Edinburgh.

James Anderson, journeyman printer with Mundell and Son, printers in Edinburgh; and Malcolm Craig, also journeyman printer with the said Mundell and Son, printers in Edinburgh-Panels.

Indicted and accused as in the preceding sederunts,

The persons who passed upon the assize of the panels, returned the following verdict:

At Edinburgh, the 8th day of January, 1793.

The above assize having inclosed, made choice of the said Orlando Hart to be their

chancellor, and of the said David Thomson
to be their clerk; and having considered the
criminal libel raised and pursued at the in-
stance of his majesty's advocate for his ma-
jesty's interest against John Morton, James
Anderson, and Malcolm Craig, panels,
the interlocutor of relevancy pronounced
thereon by the Court, the evidence adduced
in proof of the indictment, and evidence ad-
duced in exculpation; they all in one voice
find the libel proven. In witness whereof
their said chancellor and clerk have sub-
scribed these presents, consisting of this and
the preceding page, in their names and by
their appointment, place and date foresaid.
(Signed)

ORLANDO HART, chancellor.
DAVID THOMSON, clerk.

sioners of justiciary, supersede consideration The lord justice clerk and lords commisof the foregoing verdict till Friday next at

eleven o'clock forenoon.

Friday, 11th January, 1793.
Intran,

John Morton, James Anderson, and Malcolm Craig, before designed.

Indicted and accused as in preceding sederunts.

The verdict of Assize having been read over,

The Lord Justice Clerk mentioned, that last night he had received a letter subscribed by the prisoners, which, though addressed to him, was in fact addressed to the Court at large. He therefore desired the clerk to read it as follows:

My Lord Justice Clerk ;-It is with a good deal of concern we trouble your lordship upon this occasion; trusting, however, to your well known candour and love of justice, mixed with mercy, we beg to state to your lordship, and to the other honourable judges, our present hard fate; and we hope, upon an impartial and fair consideration of our case, you will be inclined to pass a judgment as lenient as may be consistent with justice and public

P. S. Our bail-bond was of small amount, yet we did not fly our country, but voluntarily delivered ourselves before your bar, yesterday' morning. Before we appeared, we knew, from the intimation of our friends, that the jury had found us guilty; yet we, trusting to the mercy of the Court, stood forward accordingly.

Addressed,-The Right Hon. the Lord Justice Clerk.

After the letter was read, their lordships proceeded to deliver their opinions with regard to the punishment to be inflicted.

Lord Henderland. My lords;-we are now arrived at the most disagreeable and distressing part of our duty, to pronounce sentence upon these three young men, panels at the bar, against whom the charge contained in the indictment has been found proven by a verdict of their country.

utility. We do not pretend, my lord, to justify ourselves in our conduct, we know it has been foolish, and we hope what we have already suffered on account of it, will have a great effect on our future conduct. The verdict of a jury of our fellow-citizens, has, no doubt, come out against us: this we with chearfulness submit to, as being the effect of an institution the most valuable we enjoy as British subjects; an institution which, as well as all the other parts of our excellent constitution, we hope ever to venerate and support. Nothing, my lord, could have been more distressing than being arraigned at your bar for any disaffection to our sovereign, or the constitution of the country. We have uniformly professed our attachment to the present constitution; and, as appeared pretty evident from the proof led at your bar, and which we solemnly declare to be the fact, are connected with no club or society of Friends of the People, or any for reform. We have, my They have had a fair trial; and in addition lord, great reason to reflect on the folly of to what your lordship was pleased to take going to the Castle on the unfortunate day notice of on the conduct of their counsel, that has been the cause of so much trouble to Mr. Wight, I will beg leave to say, that Í the high court of justiciary, and the gentle- never heard a more able or a more proper men of the jury, as well as vexation to our-charge made to any jury in behalf of a crimiselves, and an expense and loss of time that we are very unable to support.-We however declare, in the most solemn manner, and we hope it was established satisfactorily by the proof, that there was no intention on our parts, of the crimes laid to our charge. That words might have been used among us very improper, considering the situation of the country and the place, we will not deny. Our former imprisonment, and the expenses incurred, has been already no small punishment on us: this, when considered in a cool and deliberate way, will, we hope, tend to influence your lordships in giving judgment. We are young men, beginning the world, have been formerly guilty of no transgression against the laws of our country; are proven to have been hitherto of most unexceptionable characters. We therefore hope, that all circumstances considered, the purposes of justice, as well as public utility, may be served by a slight punishment.

We feel much for ourselves, and the feelings of our aged parents and connexions would be truly distressing should any ignominious punishment be inflicted: we confess we have been guilty of a piece of gross folly, and flatter ourselves that your lordship will be sensible, that the situation of the country, makes it more criminal than it would otherwise have appeared.

Trusting, therefore, to your lordship for all the lenity consisting with propriety, we are,

Your lordship's most devoted,
And very humble servants,

(Signed) JAMES ANDERSON,
MALCOLM CRAIG,
JOHN MORTON.

Tolbooth, Jan. .10 1793.

nal. Nothing was omitted that could aid them; every argument was forcibly, and with becoming boldness, urged, that could weaken the force, or remove the effect of the proofs brought against them; every circumstance the slightest-laid hold of to render it improbable, or alleviate their guilt; but with a dignity that became his high rank at the bar, with an indignation that suited his situation as a respectable citizen, he exposed and refuted the fallacy and fatal consequences of those dogmas which have been published, or are supposed to have gone abroad, which might tend to overturn our happy constitution, or shake our allegiance to our sovereign. In short, he has displayed the powers of an able advocate, combined with the duty of a loyal subject.

After all, the crime has been found proven; a crime it is of most dangerous tendency: in the letter now read, the panels have acknowledged the justice done by the respectable jury; they have expressed contrition for their guilt; they deprecate punishment.-In certain circumstances and directed to certain objects, I can have no doubt that even an attempt to excite mutiny or sedition among soldiers, may be punishable with death. It was so by the Roman law [l. 1. ff. ad Leg. Jul. Maj.]. It was so by the laws of many nations in Europe. By the 12th of queen Anne [Bruce's Military Law, tit. 9, p. 44], simple mutiny was made punishable by an arbitrary punishment; but by an act in 1715, it was again made punishable with death. Mutiny, or an attempt to raise it, amounting to treason, may still be punishable as such. It is worth while to take notice, that Bruce, in giving an account, of the Mutiny Act of queen Anne, as to soldiers be

yond seas, says, "Nay, whosoever hears any mutinous or seditious words spoken, and 'does not, with all possible speed, reveal the same to his commanding officer, is punish'able with death.' And, by the present Mutiny Act, concealment of it is punishable in the same way. Seditious persons, then,I mean flagitious and detestable men, meaning to undermine the constitution,-had need to beware how they attempt the soldiery of this country, steeled as they are by the love of the constitution, and their loyalty to their prince, and whose conduct is guaranteed by such severe function.

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case, and the singular situation of the times To avoid it in future, I shall say nothing of these illegal associations that have been formed, and of the foolish or nefarious tenets that have been sent abroad. But I am bound to take notice, that his majesty, by his royal proclamation, has called upon us, in common with the other citizens, to watch over that spirit of sedition which has been disseminated by evil-designed and traitorous men within the kingdom, and fomented by foreign enemies from without; a measure which all men must admit to have been cautious and salutary, which frequent publications, and This author, who published so far back as appearances avowedly hostile to the constitu17 17, and whose works are of great authority, tion-which the records of this court by dif and much resorted to by us in all general ferent proceedings within these few days, questions of this kind, proceeds in a passage establish to have been wise and just:-and which I will take the liberty to read to your we are called upon, I say, by that just recomlordships; By the foresaid British articles, mendation of duty, whilst we pronounce a all officers and soldiers are strictly prohi- sentence strictly agreeable to law, the only bited not to use any traitorous words against rule of our conduct,-to apply it so as to answer the sacred person of his or her majesty, the purpose so laudably brought under our upon pain of death;-and according to the view. In the present instance, however, the Dutch instructions, all cursing and reviling crime during the whole trial having been conthe states general, the council of state, or sidered only as the object of arbitrary punishgovernors of provinces, is in the same man-ment, our choice must be much narrowed. ner punishable' [269, 270].-Here are the We can only choose one of three punishenactments of a republic on this subject; and ments;-either transportation to Botany-bay, what is still more remarkable, by the regula-banishment for sedition to England is out tions of this very republic, article 7, all of the question,-corporal punishment by such as keep night conventicles or nightly meetings, &c. are made punishable as mutineers,' [Bruce's Military Law, p. 268]. What shall we then say of inviting soldiers to modern and seditious associations?But permit me to proceed in reading our author, in the above place as applicable to all: And indeed,' says he such expressions are fitly compared to the cutting of a razor,' (Psalm lviii. 8.); so hence it is that Solomon most sagely enjoins (Eccles. x. ult.), to forbear cursing the king even in our thoughts;' for sure there is not a more evident demonstration of a malevolent disposition of mind against prince or state, than such reviling traitorous expressions. The traducing a government being, we know, the prelude to the casting it off; mutinous and seditious words the forlorn hope to rebellion. And though out of an affected ceremony, the Roman emperors Arcadius and Honorius refused to punish intemperate speeches, because, say they, Si inde levitate processerint, contemnendum est; si ex insaniâ, miseratione dignissimum; si ob injuriâ, remittendum,' —a text quoted by the ingenious gentleman who elegantly and ably opened the panel's defence," yet it is obvious," proceeds our author" to any who have looked into the lives of these two princes, that this idle and unseasonable clemency turned to a very sad account to them, they having run more risk of forfeiting both their crown and lives by the mutinies and rebellions than any other of all the Roman emperors."

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I ask pardon, my lords, for this digression. I have been led into it by the novelty of the +

whipping and imprisonment, or imprisonment alone. Were the panels aged and inveterate offenders, whom there were little hopes to reclaim, be they of what profession they may, the more literary the fitter for such punishment,-I should have had no scruple to deprive them of the enjoyment of this happy constitution, against which they had offended, and obliged them, by hard labour in an infant colony to repair, in some measure, the injury they had done here. But it is a rule which a criminal judge ought ever to have in view, Exemplar cum severitate, personam cum misericordiâ, intuendam, to regard the crime with due severity, to look on the criminal's person with an eye of pity and commiseration. cannot, therefore, leave personal considerations out of view. The panels are young; their habits have been industrious, their former character peaceful. However on this occasion infected by bad example, or seized with political criminality, they have expressed their contrition, they may be reclaimed. I cannot, therefore, propose sending them to Botany-bay. To punish them by whipping abandons them to despair, and disgraces their parents: one of them is a respectable citizen

I

-My mind revolts at a punishment which banishes shame, and thereby precludes amendment; unless the subject be perfectly depraved, or the severity indispensably necessary. Wishing, in this part of my duty, to follow the example and embrace the sentiments of our gracious sovereign, who ever tempers justice with mercy, I wish to adopt the punishment of imprisonment alone.

Long imprisonments are usual in our neighbouring country; their accommodations for it are great:-they are not usual here. Had there been, as there ought to have been, a prison in the Castle of Edinburgh, where these young men might have been kept, untainted by other vice, I should have been for a longer imprisonment. But to throw them into the Tolbooth of Edinburgh for a very long time; to make them denizens, as it were, of that unhallowed place, which is the sink of corruption,-where every thing that is vicious, base, and criminal are huddled together,where, if they preserve their health, they cannot, in a long tract of time, escape the contagion of vice, and more sordid criminality, -appears to me a measure which the necessity of example upon such persons, in the present instance does not absolutely require. We are entitled to punish, we would wish to amend, but we must avoid the means of greater corruption.

I would, therefore, with deference to your lordships, propose, that the sentence of the Court should be, to commit them prisoners to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, therein to be detained in close confinement, for the space only of nine months from this date; and that they should be taken, bound each under the penalty of one thousand merks, to behave in an orderly and peaceable manner for the space of three years thereafter; and to be further so confined, till they find such security, by close confinement. I mean, that there shall be no meeting of associates, no gossiping or drun

kenness permitted within their places of confinement: that they may be left seriously and solemnly to reflect on their past, and thereby be enabled to amend their future conduct.

The other judges unanimously agreed to the sentence proposed by lord Henderland, which was then recorded as follows: The lord justice clerk and lords commissioners of justiciary, having considered the verdict of assize, dated the 8th, and returned the 9th day of January current against the said John Morton, James Anderson, and Malcolm Craig, whereby the assize all in one voice find the libel proven;

The said lords in respect of the said verdict, decern and adjudge the said John Morton, James Anderson, and Malcolm Craig, to be carried from the bar back to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, therein to be detained for the space of nine months from this date, and thereafter till they shall find sufficient caution and surety, acted in the books of adjournal for their good behaviour and keeping the peace for the space of three years from the date of the bail bond to be granted for that effect, and that under the penalty of one thousand merks Scots for each person, and upon the elapsing of the said nine months, and finding caution as aforesaid, ordain them to be set at liberty, and for these purposes the said lords grant warrant to all proper officers of the law.

(Signed) ROBERT M'QUEEN, J. P. D.

589. Proceedings in the High Court of Justiciary at Edinburgh, against JOHN ELDER and WILLIAM STEWART, on an Indictment charging them with Sedition, January 10th: 33 GEORGE III. A. D. 1793.

Curia Justiciaria S. D. N. Regis, tenta in Advocate for his Majesty's interest, for the Nova Sessionis domo de Edinburgh de- crime of Sedition and others in manner mencimo die Januarii, millesimo septingente- tioned in the criminal libel raised against him simo et nonogesimo tertio, per honor- and William Stewart, merchant in Leith abiles viros Robertum Macqueen de Brax-thereanent, bearing, That, whereas by the field, Dominum Justiciarium Clericum, Alexandrum Murray de Henderland, Davidem Rae de Eskgrove, Joannem Swinton de Swinton, Dominum Gulielmum Nairne de Dunsinan, Baronetum, et Alexandrum Abercromby de Abercromby, Dominos Commissionarios Justiciariæ dicti S. D. N. Regis.

Curia legitimè affirmata.
Intran.

John Elder, bookseller and stationer, North
Bridge Street, Edinburgh-Panel.
INDICTED and accused at the instance of
Robert Dundas, esq. of Arniston, his Majesty's

laws of this, and of every other well governed realm, the wickedly and feloniously writing or printing, or causing to be written, or printed, any seditious libel, or writing: As also the wickedly and feloniously making or casting, or causing to be made or cast any medal or medals bearing inscriptions of a se ditious tendency: As also the wickedly and feloniously distributing or circulating any such seditious writing or libel when so printed, and any such medal or medals as above writing and the said medal or medals to be described, or the causing the said seditious distributed and circulated in different parts of the country, are crimes of an heinous nature, dangerous to the public peace, and severely

punishable. Yet true it is and of verity, that the said William Stewart, and John Elder are both and each or one or other of them, guilty actors, or art and part, of all and each or one or other of the foresaid crimes. In so far as upon one or other of the days of the month of September one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, or of August preceding, or of October following, the said William Stewart and John Elder did both and each, or one or other of them, somewhere in Edinburgh or Leith, both in the county of Edinburgh, or at some other place to the public prosecutor unknown, wickedly and feloniously compose, or write, or cause to be composed, or written, or at least did wickedly and feloniously cause to be printed a seditious libel or writing intituled, "Rights of Man delineated, and the Origin of Government," whereof the tenor follows,

"DECLARATION

OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND OF CITIZENS, BY THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE: WHICH IS AGREEABLE TO SOUND REASON AND

COMMON SENSE."

"I. Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility. "II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and unprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance of oppression.

"III. The nation is essentially the source

of all sovereignty; nor can any individual, or any body of men, be entitled to any authority, which is not expressly derived from it.

"IV. Political liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not injure another. The exercise of the natural rights of every man, has no other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other man the free exercise of the same rights; and these limits are determinable only by the law. "V. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to society. What is not prohibited by the law, should not be hindered; nor should any one be compelled to that which the law does not require. "VI. The law is an expression of the will of the community. All citizens have a right to concur, either personally or by their representatives, in its formation. It should be the same to all, whether it protects or punishes; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to all honours, places, and employments, according to their different abilities without any other distinction than that created by their virtues and talents. "VII, No man should be accused, arrest

ed, or held in confinement, except in cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed arbitrary orders, ought to be punished, and every citizen called upon or apprehended by virtue of the law ought immediately to obey, and renders himself culpable by resistance.

"VIII. The law ought to impose no other penalties, but such as are absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but in virtue of a law promulgated before the offence and legally applied.

"IX. Every man being presumed innocent till he is convicted, whenever his detention becomes indispensible, all rigour to him, more than is necessary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by the law.

"X. No man ought to be molested on account of his opinions; not even on account of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the public order.

"XI. The unrestrained communication o thoughts and opinions being one of the most precious rights of man, every citizen may speak, write, and publish freely, provided he is responsible for the abuse of this liberty.

"XII. A public force being necessary to give security to the rights of men and citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the community, and not for the particular benefit of the persons with whom it is entrusted.

"XIII. A common contribution being necessary for the support of the public force, and for defraying the other expenses of government, it ought to be divided equally among the members of each community according to their abilities. "XIV. Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of public contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of assessment, and duration.

"XV. Every community has a right to demand of all its agents, an account of their conduct.

"XVI. Every community in which a sepa

ration of powers, and a security of rights, is not provided for, wants a constitution. "XVII. The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained, and on condition of a previous just indemnity.

"Quere, Would not the people of every nation in the world, by enjoying the above rational principles, be in a happier condition? They have but to insist on them, and they will get them,

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