tincture of party zeal or political bitterness; for he has no connection whatsoever, with any party in the state, nor any view or wish on the subject, but the public benefit, and the mitigation of the present alarming national distress. That he is wholly free from bias of interest or prejudice, is more, perhaps, than he ought to pretend to more than may be consistent with human frailty. When, however, his various interests—as landowner, landoccupier, fundholder, and member of the industrious classes, are balanced against each other, his claim to impartiality may not seem unreasonable. He is, however, interested in a much more important sense as a member of society, as a subject of this great and glorious empire, and joint proprietor of that noble Constitution, which, in spite of its imperfections, is still practically the wisest, and the best, that ever yet existed.

20th July, 1820.

VINDEX.

A

FREE TRADE

ESSENTIAL TO THE

Welfare of Great Britain,

OR

AN INQUIRY

INTO THE

CAUSE OF THE PRESENT DISTRESSED
STATE OF THE COUNTRY,

AND THE CONSEQUENT

INCREASE OF PAUPERISM, MISERY, AND CRIME.

TO WHICH ARE ADDED,

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON TWO LETTERS

TO THE

RIGHT HON. ROBERT PEEL, M. P.

BY ONE OF HIS CONSTITUENTS.

The First, on the Pernicious Effects of a Variable Standard of Value; the Second, on the Causes of the Increase of Pauperism, &c.

"The object of those, who really wish to better the condition of the lower classes of society, must be to raise the relative proportion between the price of labour and the price of provisions, so as to enable the laborer to command a larger share of the necessaries and comforts of life."

MALTHUS.

BY JOHN CLAY.

LONDON:

ADVERTISEMENT.

A DESIRE to ascertain the cause of the distressed situation of the laboring classes, in 1816 and 1817, first turned my attention to the subject of political economy, as connected with the subsistence of the poor After an attentive consideration of the subject, it appears to me, that the generally received opinion, that the price of the necessaries of life governs wages, or, in other words, that the natural, governs the market, price of labor, is, at least so far as relates to this country, erroneous. For it is clear, that the price of manufactured articles is not advanced, in a country which exports them, by a rise in the price of agricultural produce, which does not extend to other countries, though manufactures are only agricultural produce in another form. If this be correct, whatever artificially raises the price of the necessaries of life, must increase pauperism, and cause the great bulk of the population to suffer much distress.

Unfortunately, experience has too fully confirmed the truth of this inference, and must have convinced most people, that something is radically defective in the present system. But so far from attributing the present distress to its true cause, viz. restrictions on the importation of foreign agricultural produce, one part of the community have presented numerous petitions to the House of Commons, for an increase of these restrictions, which, instead of being found a remedy for the evil, would greatly increase it, even to the petitioners themselves. In opposition to the prayer of these petitions, this pamphlet was prepared for publication, two or three months ago; but the reception which they met with in Parliament was such as seemed to render its immediate publication unnecessary. Since then, however, alterations have been proposed in the Poor Laws, calculated to throw still heavier burdens upon those classes, which are already suffering much, from the same cause as that which increases pauperism. Most of the members also, who presented the petitions to the House of

Commons, did not object to their principle, but only that this was not the proper time to legislate upon the subject; and, as similar petitions are already preparing to be presented, in the next sessions of parliament, when it is understood a great effort is to be made to obtain, what is falsely called additional protection to agriculture, it appears highly necessary, that the effects of raising the price of the necessaries of life, by artificial means, should be more generally understood than they appear to be at present.

Though sorry that the task has not fallen into abler hands than mine, yet I should feel it a gross dereliction of the duty which I owe to my country, if I did not endeavour to call the attention of the public to a system, which, so long as it is persisted in, can produce nothing but distress and misery to the great body of the nation; and which must, eventually, prove ruinous, even to that class, whose present interest it appears to promote.