with other incidental Remarks. In three Letters, from a Gentleman in London, to a Friend in the Country. 8vo. pp. 84. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1791. Thefeflight obfervations' are much too flight to merit a great fhare of the public attention. Nothing is to be found in them, but what has been repeatedly faid, and (begging the obferver's pardon,) better faid, by fome of this gentleman's predeceffors in the controversy. Art. 48. A Letter to the Rev. Jofeph Priestley, LL D. F. R. S. occafioned by his late Addrefs to the Inhabitants of Birmingham. X 8vo. pp. 44 9d. Birmingham, printed. 1791 Though here and there, we are a little difgufted with fomewhat of foppery and affectation in the ftyle of this cheap, and, confidering the occafion, large tract; yet, on the whole, there runs through it fuch a polished exterior of manners, addrefs, and fentiment, as makes us regret that it contains not more real and internal liberality of thinking:-but alas! many are the inftances which will convince an attentive obferver, that great refinement of manners is, by no means, incompatible with great narrowness of heart! What but the greatest narrownels could have dictated fuch a fentence as the following? Are not fome of your doctrines fuch, as must appear to almost every fect of Chriftians, nothing short of blafphemy? Surely, where there is a moral intention, there can be no blafphemy in any fpeculative opinions whatever; and we know not how, without a want of charity, any one can deny morality of intention to another, unless he can produce external or internal authority for fo doing unless he can point out fome evidence of wilful immorality either in the conduct, or writings, of the party whom he thus accufes. Blafphemy is a word of horrid import to a vulgar car; and as Milton, if we rightly recollect, in his "Treatife on Ecclefiaftical Power," obferves, it is an eafy matter for a bigot to excite a ferment in the minds of an ignorant rabble, and to raise a tumult by thundering out this, or any other Greek word, of which the many know not the meaning:-but to introduce these railing accufations in the pulpit, is a mode of preaching which no liberal and well-informed mind will justify; and to commit them to paper, is a mode of writing, which we are forry to fee practifed by one who, in other refpects, gives evident proofs of the breeding of a gentleman. This writer figns hi felf A Friend to Toleration.' This fignature, contrafted with the fpirit of his letter, feems to fay that he has not attended to the noble Duke's "hint, to thofe high churchmen, who have lately, on more occafions than one, fomewhat unbecomingly, and fomewhat incautiously, fhewn what spirit they are of, to have lefs of toleration in their language, and more of it in their conduct *." Art. 49. Political Speculations occafioned by the Progress of a Democratic Party in England. 8vo. PP. 39. 18. Gardner. 1791. * See Review, New Series, vol. ii. page 344. In this declamatory plea for popular flavery, and popular mifery, (for though we are very ready to give more credit to the author's profeffions of honefty of intention, than he himself feems always difpofed to give to others, yet we cannot agree with him in opinion when he flatters himself that he is pleading the welfare and happiness of his countrymen,) fome things, which are diftinct, are confounded; fome, which are plain, are obfcured; fome, which no Englishman denies, are maintained with laboured prolixity; fome, which every Englishman holds dear, are attacked with pofitive concifenefs; and fome, which no humane man, of any country, will read without being shocked, are dogmatically afferted. The author confounds individual refiftance against the general will, with the refiftance of the great body of the governed, (for whofe fake alone all government is inftituted, and by whofe good pleasure alone it ought to be regulated,) against a little junto of governors. He obfcures the fimple propofition, that the fupreme power of every fociety ultimately refides in the majority of its members. He maintains, that the English form of government is too good to require a total fubverfion. He attacks the idea that the Houfe of Commons ought to be confidered as a reprefentation of the people; and he afferts, that no rights can fubfift between two individuals, unless both acknowlege the law on which fuch rights are founded; and that therefore an atheift, not admitting the law of God, receives no injury when another man, in violation of God's law, cuts his throat! The inquiry, whence the powers of civil governors are derived, and the difcuffion of the natural rights of man, this writer affirms to be a vague, barren fpeculation; and a fenfelefs, vifionary jargon.' We confider it as an inquiry of great importance in itself, and of great ufe in practice: for all government being, as Mr. Hume and others have obferved, founded on opinion, it must be attended with the moft important practical confequences, to inquire whether there be, or be not, any moral turpitude in refifting opprefive, and chufing good, rulers, or in inftituting one form of government at one time, and changing it for another form at another time, as often as the governed fhall, in their fober judgment, think it expedient for their welfare; and this question of moral turpitude can in no way be fo fatisfactorily determined, as by inquiries into the fource of civil power, and the nature of original rights. Had the inveftigation of this theory been more full, more general, more familiar, and more ancient, the world would, in all probability, have been freed from much of that practical flavery which debafes human nature, and delivered from much of that confequent wickednefs which poifons human happiness. This gentleman alfo argues as if it were demanded by the advocates for liberty, that every man in a community fhould be concerned in making every law: but this, taking men as they are, with all their paffions, weaknefs, and ignorance, about them, would, as he justly obferves, be deftructive of liberty. This, however, is not what is demanded. All that is required to preferve liberty, is, that every man, however mean, fhould have fufficient fecurity in his B hands, that, as long as he injures no one, no one, of any defcrip 3 tion, tion, should be able, with impunity, to injure him. Every where, tolerable provision is made against injuries between man and man, that is, between equals: but injuries from fuperiors to inferiors, from governors to governed, are no where fufficiently prevented ;and fuch injuries, the advocates for liberty contend, never will be fufficiently prevented, till every man have an adequate control, both over those who make, and those who execute, the laws: that is, till legislative and executive governors, in a greater or lefs degree, depend, for their appointment, on every member of the community. This it is, for which the friends of liberty contend. In other words, they contend for frequent elections and an univerfal right of fuffrage; and not a right of fuffrage, confined to men of landed property alone; because they confider every man who cometh into the world, as having the property of his life, and of the free ufe of his faculties, mental and corporeal, vefted in him by his Creatorproperty which, in their opinion, is of infinitely more value than all the duft and dirt of the earth that man can fcrape together. Art. 50. A Letter from an eminent legal Character, late of Troula-putain, in Dauphiné, and now of the City of Dublin, to the Whigs of the Capital. 8vo. pp. 60. Is. 6d. Debrett. 1791. This eminent legal character, is no other than Monf. Jacques Bourreau, Anglicé, Jack Ketch; who, on the principles of the Rights of Man, attempts to juftify practices utterly inconfiftent with any fenfe of duty either to God or man. Monfieur Bourreau is a wag:-but he is only a "forry wag." In the dark and precarious uncertainty of human events, hould it ever be our fate to lay our heads on the tyrant's pillow-a block, we should earnestly pray, that this Mr. Bourreau might not be our executioner; unless the edge of his axe be much keener than that of his wit, and his dexterity in dividing the thread of existence with the inftrument of death, much greater than his skill in ftrangling truth in the noose of satire. We have heard this jeu d'esprit ascribed, we know not with what ́ truth, or authority, to Sir Hercules Langrishe, Bart. a member of the Irish House of Commons. Art. 51. An Inquiry into the Nature of the Social Contra&; or Principles of Political Right. Tranflated from the French of John James Rouffeau. 8vo. 5s. Boards. Robinfons. 1791. The prefent tranflator obferves, in a fhort preface, that the high honours which have been recently paid to the memory of Rouffeau, by the National Affembly of France; avowedly from a perfuafion that a treatife of his, entitled Du Contrat Social, had prepared the way for the Revolution which has lately taken place in that country, muft naturally excite a defire in the minds of Englishmen, to be acquainted with a work, which could lay the foundation of fo important an event. A tranflation is therefore offered to the public; in which care has been taken to give the fenfe of the * This Monf. Jacques does not appear to be of the family of Bourreaus Couronnés, mentioned by the late Monf. Mirabeau. author, in the plaineft language; that all who choose to trace, in this treatife, the principles of the new fyftem of French government, may do fo, without that difficulty which is fometimes found in reading tranflations of philofophical works.' For the reafons given by the tranflator, as above, this publication wil, no doubt, be acceptable to thofe English readers who are not poffeffed of Kenrick's tranflation, which is given in the fifth vol. of Rouffeau's Mifcellanies; and which, we believe, is not to be purchased alone. See our account of the tranflation of thefe vols. Rev. vol. xxxix. p. 313. 5 Art. 52. The English Freeholder. 4to. pp. 56. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. 1791. Intended as an antidote to what the difapprovers of the French Revolution, and those who, however unreasonably, are apprehenfive of fimilar disturbances in this happy country, have frequently denominated the poifon of Paine's pamphlet." This tract confifts of addreffes to the nobility, gentry, clergy, freeholders, and all the good people of thefe realms.' Thefe addreffes are 14 in number, and they appear to us to have been originally published in diftinct or feparate papers: but this is a mere conjecture: we have only feen them collectively, in their prefent form. They are written in a manner that feems well adapted to anfwer the purpofe; the language being perfectly familiar, and the reafoning properly adapted to the plain understandings of the common people, for whom the work is chiefly calculated. We think, however, that the end and purpose of a publication of this kind might have been as effectually, perhaps better, anfwered, had the writer preferved a greater appearance of candour, and been lefs violent in his abufe of the French nation, on account of those incidental exceffes, and irregularities, which were naturally to be expected, when a people, circumstanced as they were, had determined to free themfelves by one daring and decifive effort, from the yoke of defpotifm, and from the baneful, influence and domination of a church, which has ever been the grand abettor of tyranny, and the fruitful mother of fuperftition, the worst enemies of mankind! - MISCELLANEOUS. Art. 53. Tontines calculated, and their Principles and Confequences explained and exemplified, in the Yorkshire Tontine: with Hints for one on an improved Plan. To which are added Strictures on Monthly Clubs, affociated for the Relief of Sick and Infirm Members. 8vo. pp. 49. IS. Clarke. 1791. This is a very fenfible, and fo far as a curfory view may warrant us to pronounce, a juft examination into the merit of tontines, tak. ing the Yorkshire tontine for the fpecimen. This is a fund formed by weekly payments of fix pence for every fhare, to be continued for feven years; the money to be vefted in the funds by monthly purchafes, and to accumulate by compound intereft. After the expiration of the feven years, the total amount is to remain one half year longer, the intereft of which half year is to be received by the principal principal agent for his trouble; and then the total amount is to be fhared among fuch fubfcribers as are alive at the seven years' end. Befide the weekly payments, one fhilling entrance was paid for a fingle fhare; and the country fubfcribers pay fix pence per ann. for the benefit of the country agent, for a fingle share. The fubfcription clofed, and payments commenced, last October. In this fcheme, computing the deaths during the feven years to be one in feven, (his foundation for this computation is explained. in the pamphlet,) the writer finds that all the advantage to be gained by furvivorship, attending to all circumftances, is about nine hillings! againft which, the fubfcriber ftakes his life, and all the payments that he has advanced. He hence pronounces it a mere bubble, calculated to encourage a fpirit of gambling among the laborious part of the community; and therefore he prefers fuch an inftitution without the temptation of furvivorship, merely as a fund in which the fubfcriptions may be improved by compound interest; and which being made permanent and transferrable, fhares may at any emergency be carried to market, and the money not be, locked up to the end of the term. Befide a variety of other pertinent obfervations, we recommend the following general reflections on charitable inftitutions, to the ferious confideration of our readers: Before I difmifs the attention of the reader from this dry fubject, indulge me with the following reflection :-The difpofition of the people at large, in this country, in favour of Lotteries, Tontines, &c. is an indication of a growing tendency towards idleness; and this is no pleafing fign of our profperity. Men want to depend for their fupport on fomething elfe befides labour and care. If this fpirit be encouraged, industry muft perish. We shall become a nation of gamblers and fharpers. Our prefent refinements in humanity may, in the end, prove destructive to our existence, as well as to our morals. The increas ing poor-rates, befides a number of voluntary charities, is feidom any thing else but taxing industry to fupport idlenefs. Many, that pay to the poor-rates, are not fo able as fome that receive. It is perhaps neither found policy, nor, in the end, ferving the cause of real virtue and humanity, to make either prifons or poor-houfes very defirable habitations. The uneafinefs and dependence that accompany poverty are the best fpurs to diligence, and to preserve the worthier part of mankind from its evils. Make poverty a very comfortable state, and you will find very few that will chufe to work: the one half of the nation will have to labour for the maintenance of the other, fhut up in idle prifons and poor-houses. Some of our legiflators, in their race of popularity, are continually hatching fome wild and random plan for the benefit of the poor, without knowing or weighing the dreadful confequences that muft follow fuch encouragement. Perhaps, were the poor left more to the charity of mankind, no very dreadful confequences would follow. Involuntary and faultlefs poverty would never want friends; and poverty flowing from idleness and vice would be kept under a powerful check. In thofe countries where the poor are left to the fup port |