disgraceful in every point of view. This he was convinced they could not do, and he felt a persuation that nothing but their removal could relieve the country. answer to the address of the city of London from the conviction that no blame was imputable to either of the commanders for the result of the Expedition. He declared not only that he had never Lord Grenville did not rise without reseen or heard of lord Chatham's narrative | luctance to address a few observations to until Feb. 24, but that he had never con- their lordships. As he differed, however, ceived the possibility of the existence of on certain points from the noble lord such a document. He would however, (Mulgrave), he felt it necessary for him admit, that had he seen the narrative be- to state these points of difference and the fore the address of the city of London was grounds upon which they rested. He presented, he might have advised his Ma- was sensible of the situation of that noble jesty to give so far a different answer, as lord, when called forward to state, wheto declare that the result of the Expedi- ther he was or was not a party to the tion was in a state of inquiry; for al- charges insinuated against the gallant adthough he conceived that in the original miral. He was glad to hear that noble dispatches would be found a complete an- lord make the avowal, that if he had ap swer to the imputations contained in the prehended that the narrative was in exist narrative, yet he thought it would have ence, he should not have advised his Mabeen but justice to the gallant admiral to jesty to return the answer which had been require from him a counter statement. It given to the address of the city of London. was this sense of justice to sir R. Strachan He felt peculiar satisfaction at this admis which had induced him immediately on sion because he had heard that it had been his having been made acquainted with the stated somewhere, and the noble secretary existence of lord Chatham's narrative had stated that night, that even though (even before he had himself read it) to that paper had been known to be in existapprise sir R. Strachan of the circum- ence the same answer would have been stance, although the rapidity with which advised to be given to the city of Lonthe narrative was moved for, and produced don. But the noble lord said, that if he in the House of Commons, would not per- had known of this narrative,, as he did of mit him to send a copy of it to the gal- the intention of an officer to oppose the lant admiral. Adverting to sir Richard vote of thanks to the admiral of the chanStrachan's letter of the 27th of Aug., he nel fleet, he should have felt it his duty to declared that in his opinion it by no bring sir R. Strachan to a court martial, means bore the character of accusation of though perfectly convinced that no blame the military department of the Expedition could attach to that gallant admiral. with which it had been charged. It sim- What he particularly complained of in ply declared the readiness of the navy to the case of lord Gambier was, that withproceed; at the same time allowing that out any charge existing against him, and the question of procedure was purely a solely upon the avowed intention of a military one. He would repeat then what member of parliament to oppose the vote he had said on the first day of the session, of thanks to him, he had been brought to that in his opinion the want of success was trial-a circumstance not more unjustifinot attributable to any one. It chiefly able towards him than injurious to the inarose from the adverse winds and unfa- tests of the navy. But the present case vourable weather; causes over which it did not rest upon the vague declaration of was impossible to maintain any controul. opposition on the part of a member of He declared the anxiety which he always parliament-on the loose representations felt to maintain the character of the gal- of rumour, or the uncertain and ambigu lant officers in that department of the ser- ous expressions of unauthorized com. vice over which he had the honour to pre-plaint, but was founded upon charges side. Not conceiving, however, that the noble marquis had urged any just grounds for his motion, he should give it his decided negative. The Earl of Darnley considered the general conduct of ministers injurious to the country, and called on them to stand forward, if they could, and deny that the late Expedition had been calamitous and preferred by the commander in chief of a conjoint service against a particular branch of that service If the members of the cabinet had been aware of this circumstance, he was convinced, that neither from a regard to the honour and interests of their Sovereign, nor from a sense of duty to their country, could they have advised his Majesty to answer that no in quiry was necessary. It was, in his opi-thought necessary. But in stating this, it nion, the duty of his Majesty's minister, was not his intention to utter a word in conwhen acquainted with this harrative, to demnation of lord Chatham; no, God forhave called upon sir R. Strachan for his bid! Yet he could not but think that all these Narrative, and upon considering both, to circumstances afforded abundant grounds determine whether any further inquiry for a military inquiry. He besought their was necessary. But above all, it was the lordships therefore to consider seriously duty of the board of admiralty to institute what had been the effect of an Expedition, such inquiry. It made no difference in which had wasted more men, consumed the case that lord Gambier had demanded more treasures and exhausted and debilia court martial, because it was the duty of tated the means and resources of this counevery officer, against whom a charge might try in a greater degree than any Expediexist, to call for a court martial; but that tion which had ever taken place. It had was no excuse for the King's government, been directed to a point within four hours if, aware of sufficient ground for inquiry. sail of our coast, and within one month His Majesty's ministers were not to conhad been found inadequate to its ulterior sider whether or not officers liked to go objects. Yet the noble secretary of state before a court martial; it was their had asserted, that the failure had arisen bounden duty to call for investigation from a departure from the original plan. where inquiry seemed to be necessary. If that plan had been departed from, that He next came to ask, whatever might be departure was proper subject for inquiry. the opinions of the noble lord and his col- But he should be very curious to learn leagues at present, upon what ground it from that noble secretary the reasons, was they had taken the resolution against why such departure from the original plan the inquiry, before they had advised the had caused that failure, and he looked answer to the city of London. The ques- upon that assertion as too sanguine, partion was not, whether they should have ticularly when made in presence of milianswered any thing or nothing. Before tary officers, who had been personally they declared against inquiry, they were serving in that Expedition. The noble bound to be in possession of all the infor- secretary had talked in high sounding mation and documents upon which such a terms of the effect of personal responsiquestion could be founded. Much of this bility; but he could not call to mind any argument he rested upon the information case of such personal responsibility, exof a noble earl, who had served upon the cept that of sir John Moore, in which his Expedition. According to the statement Majesty's ministers attempted to throw all of that noble friend, it appeared that responsibility from themselves upon that much misapprehension had prevailed with illustrious officer. This, it might be said, respect to the dispatch of sir R. Strachan, was the reason why lord Chatham had not which he was sure was never intended to been suffered to give in an official Narraconvey the slightest blame against the tive; because, if the commanders by sca earl of Chatham. As to the fact of the and land should justify themselves, then precise time when the transports had the heaviest responsibility that ever atpassed a particular point, the land officers tached to any government would rest. stated one thing, and the sea officers ano- upon his Majesty's ministers.-At that ther. Even this difference of statement period of the debate he should not think he would contend was a good ground of of entering into a consideration of the inquiry. But upon the return of lord question, as it bore upon a service, which Chatham to England after the failure of was at once the pride and the bulwark of such an expedition, the government was the nation. But he could not avoid lookbound to call upon him for an explanationing at it in a constitutional point of view, of its progress and results. The account when a noble lord at the head of the adfrom sir R. Strachan had not been re-miralty thought that his ignorance of this ceived till September. At that period lord Chatham was in England, yet during the whole time no narrative was required from him. Nay, that noble lord had been in England during the whole of September, October, November, and even December; still no narrative had been called for from him, nor was any inquiry VOL. XVI. narrative, and that of the other members of the cabinet, would be sufficient, as it were, to nonsuit his noble friend, or to induce him to withdraw his motion. The noble lord had admitted that in this Narrative was contained a substantive charge against the conduct of the navy; but he had forgotten to notice, that it also con A * vests another set of men concealed from public view, with all the effective powers of government. Such a system he should condemn in all cases, as rendering it impossible for any set of men, possessing the nominal powers of office, to discharge the duties of the executive government, either with credit to themselves, or with advantage to the country. This was the first time that their lordships had upon their table, any paper shewing the existence of such a system; and he had only to express his regret, that any set of men could be found to countenance such a system. Thus much he had thought it necessary to say in justification of his vote; and it was matter of surprise to him, how it could have happened, that the King's answer to the city of London was directly contrary to what it must have been, if this Narrative had been known to his cabinet ministers. The House then divided: Contents Present 41; Proxies 49-90.—Non-contents-Present 70; Proxies 66—136.Majority 46. DUKES. tained a heavy charge against the execu- Somerset MARQUISSES. Stafford Downshire EARLS. Derby Essex Lucan Ilchester Grosvenor DUKES. St. Albans Gratton List of the Minority. MARQUISSES. Buckingham Bute EARLS. Tankerville Darlington PRESENT. Besborough Moira Carysfort. Lauderdale VISCOUNT. Bulkeley BARONG Grenville St. John King Dundas Bishop of Oxford PROXIES. Carnarvon St. Vincent Cork and Orrery Jersey Upper Ossory Suffolk [THE EARL OF CHATHAM'S NARRATIVE.] Mr. Whitbread rose in pursuance of his previous notice to make a specific motion on this subject, and spoke to the following effect:-Sir, but seven days have elapsed since I felt it to be my duty to submit to the consideration of this House a certain proposition, founded upon a strong and justifiable suspicion, that a line of conduct most unconstitutional and improper had been pursued by a noble lord, at this moment a member of the King's cabinet, and late the commander in chief of the disastrous Expedition to the Scheldt. I then contended, that it was not only the right, but that it became the incumbent duty of this House to call for the production of all documents and papers, touching the important inquiry in which it is engaged, which it had reason to believe were in possession of the crown, and most particularly if they had been communicated in in a way most likely to excite its constitutional jealously, and call for its unbiased and active vigilance. I had the proud satisfaction to find upon that occasion that my humble efforts were not ineffectual ;for to the immortal honor of this House let it be spoken, that, to the address, which it then agreed to have conveyed to the crown, an answer has been since returned, not only fully justifying the course it then found necessary to adopt, but too strongly illustrating and confirming the suspicion, which it thought proper on that occasion to entertain. I must be allowed to repeat that in that instance my efforts were successful in the most extensive sense of the word; for I most sincerely, consider the decision of that night, as forming a most important political æra in the history of this empire-an æra to which in distant times posterity will look back with national pride as a great political triumph, and a sound constitutional precedent. Have I not reason also to consider those efforts successful in an unlimitted degree, when I recollect that the decision was obtained in despite of all the power, all the persuasion and all the influence of the ministry? And here I must beg leave to intreat the House to look back to the conduct of the right hon. gentlemen opposite, to retrace and consider the course they have thought proper to pursue upon the occasion. When the noble earl (lord Chatham) upon whose conduct I felt it my duty to animadvert was at the bar of this House; and when it was endeavoured to extract from him a plain answer to certain direct questions, it was asserted by his Majesty's ministers, that in consideration of the rank and privileges of that nobleman we had no right to press him upon these points. In answer to this doctrine, it was contended by us, that there did and must exist in this House a right to extract from any individual, brought before us as a witness, the fullest evidence upon all public transactions to which our inquiries were directed that right we maintained to be indisputable, at the same time admitting that the extreme cases for its exercise were undoubtedly rare. But what course did his Majesty's ministers propose? What line of proceeding did they in the spirit of an affected candour recommend? They told us that there was an easy way to extricate us from our difficulty. That way they stated to be, to proceed by an address to the crown, calling for such documents as we supposed to have been delivered : and, in order to engage us more cheerfully to pursue their recommendation, they assured us of an answer most propitious to our wishes. Such was their recommendation to us; now mark the contrast which their subsequent conduct exhibits. When this very address is proposed which they themselves first recommended, do they fairly act upon their own recommendation? No. They pursue a line of conduct wholly inconsistent with their former professions; they endeavour to defeat it by every exertion within the grasp of their ineffectual power. Why do I mention this fact? I mention it, that this House should recollect it amongst the long and disgusting enumeration of similar measures of this administration. To return to the immediate object of my present motion-We now know, from evidence unquestionable, that John, earl of Chatham, in a most unconstitutional, and clandestine manner, as a minion and a favourite, has abused the royal confidence, at the same time, and by the same act, that he has violated the most sacred principles of the constitution. This knowledge, I say, we are possessed of from undeniable evidence, and it only be comes this House to take the earliest opportunity of deciding upon that evidence and of expressing, by its recorded resolutions, its high reprobation and just indignation at such proceedings. Had it indeed been an ordinary member of parliament who had been thus guilty; had it been an individual unprotected by the privileges of elevated rank, there would in such circumstances be no necessity for the present motion. The case would have been long ago decided; the indignation of this House would have been before this time vented upon the offending individual. (Hear, hear!) Am I stating any thing which the examination of the noble lord does not fully warrant me in stating? I am confident that I am not. Compare the examination of lord Chatham, on the 22d of February, with his examination on the 27th of the same month; first with one another, and then with the answer, which his Majesty has been pleased to give to your address; and shall not this House act upon that paramount principle, that equal justice ought to be administered, and that the higher the situation of the offender, the greater should be its indignation and its censure? But the individual in this instance is a peer, invested with all the privileges of that exalted rank; still it is the right and the duty of every member of this House to observe upon his conduct, and that duty I feel myself imperiously called upon to perform. I find then, that John earl of Chatham, the late commander in chief of the expedition to the Scheldt, did, without any consultation with his colleagues in the cabinet, as I most truly believe-without intimating his intention to his brother officer who commanded the naval force upon that expedition, and wholly unknown, save, to the royal personage whose confidence he has abused, did I say communicate to that personage a narrative of his proceedings on that expedition, so far back as the 15th of January last. I find that it lay in the possession of that august personage, wrapped up in the most impenetrable secrecy-a secrecy desired by him who presented it, until the 14th of February last. At least, it remained wholly undisturbed until the 7th of that month, when for reasons as yet only known to the earl of Chatham, it was requested of the king to return it to him for correction. I say, reasons as yet only known to that noble lord, for I am sure there is no man who can deny that the reasons since stated by him are so inconsistent and contradictory, that it is impossible to assume that we are acquainted with his real motives. On that day however the noble lord applied to have the document returned to him, for the purpose of alteration. His request was acquiesced in; and what was the alteration which he himself has told you took place? He told you that it consisted in the omission of a paragraph, containing an opinion-an opinion, observe-yet when solicited to state the nature of that opinion, he declares his inability to communicate that most necessary information. (Hear, hear!) His examination proceeds; and the noble lord is asked, when this Narrative so altered was again presented to his Majesty? Mark his answer. He states, that it was tendered by him to his sovereign upon the 14th of February. Struck with the peculiarity of the term 'tendered,' I myself immediately asked the noble lord, what he meant by the expression he had thus used, and whether the Narrative upon that day had actually passed into his Majesty's hands? To this his reply was-that it bad not. Here then was a paper presented upon the 15th of January last, conveying at least twelve direct charges against the gallant naval officer who commanded, with an opinion of the noble lord's affixed. An opinion! And am I not bound to presume, that such opinion, so communicated, now not recollected, by the noble lord, went to inculpate the naval officer against whom this very Narrative now revised, contains, as I before stated, twelve direct charges of misconduct? (Hear, bear !) The House will recollect, that this Narrative in the shape in which it was originally presented, with an opinion affixed, was for twenty-five days in the hands of his Majesty-that there did not since occur any conference, any retractionthat even in its amended, or rather in its altered form, it was not read to the King that it was not admitted to that royal personage to say to the noble lord, I find your lordship has changed your Narra |