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being the case, and the people being thus | shut out, as it were, from petitioning the King, it became more peculiarly the duty of that House to open wider their doors to the admission of their petitions, and as he saw nothing in the present petition which deserved to be rejected, he should certainly vote that it do lie on the table.

Mr. Wilberforce said, he had not read the petition till he came into the House, and as he had so little time to consider it, and to see how far it resembled that which had been rejected or that which had been received, on the same subject, he was at a loss how to make up his mind on the subject. He had voted for the reception of the Westminster petition, and for the rejection of the Middlesex, for reasons which, in both cases, well satisfied his mind; but from the shortness of the time, and the cursory and interrupted reading which could only be had at the table, he was not sufficiently qualified to decide, how far this petition was analogous to either of the others; and especially after the opinion expressed by the hon. gent. who had just sat down, that this petition was the most moderate of the three, and in its terms adapted to the mode in some measure prescribed by the House. He thought the House could not suffer any inconvenience by adjourning this debate till to-morrow. They would then have time to consider the petition with more attention and deliberation, and would come to the decision with their minds made up on the question; and he was sure they would thereby shew their respect for the first city of the empire. He would therefore move, that the further debate on the question be adjourned till to-morrow. Mr. W. Smith said, that after the respect paid to the last petition, of adjourning the debate, he should not object to do the same in the present case; but having voted for receiving one of the former, and rejecting the other, he had no objection to delivering his opinion that moment. He did not object to the Westminster petition, because it was worded in such a manner as to convey the sentiments of the petitioners by way of opinion. He did object to the Middlesex, because the things complained of were not stated as matters of opinion, but as matters of fact that actually existed; as this petition was drawn in a manner contrary to the Middlesex, he should vote that it be received.

Mr. Barham had objected to the last petition which had been rejected by that

House, on the grounds of its being a protest, and not a petition. In the present petition there were many phrases which were considered objectionable by some members of the House; he could not consider them by any means in that light. He could not think that the petition's now asking, "Where is your justice? Where your moderation?" was to be reprobated; because he thought the House had for feited, by its own acts, its justice and its character. If the petition was now rejected, he could not think it would be because it was offensive to the House, but because it was offensive to his Majesty's ministers. He was sure he did not mean to derogate from the dignity of that House when he voted for the reception of the petition.

Lord A. Hamilton was ready to vote for the adjournment, in the hope that it might procure another vote in favour of the reception of the petition. He was sure there was no language in the petition so alarming as the idea that ministers were able to drag and dispose the House of Commons to reject such petitions on such occasions. If the petitioners had learned any disrespectful language, where had they learned it? He had no hesitation in saying they had learned it from the votes of that House. They had quoted it from their own journals. Why then should the House now stand upon the punctilio of nicety and jus tice, when they had by their own deeds forfeited their claim to them? In his indignation against the offensive language of the present petition, the right hon. secretary of state totally forgot the motions which had been rejected last year, and which had given rise to this language. He totally forgot whether ministers did that in fact which they now considered even the mention of offensive. It was too true, however, they had done so; and it was their conduct which had incurred the present calamitous consequences. A secretary of state, whom he now saw in his place (Mr. Canning), had last year proposed certain resolutions respecting lord Castlereagh, in contradiction to a motion of his, which were adopted, and which, he observed, were the chief cause of the indignation of the public, and were noticed in every petition. He now thought it right to give notice, that at no very distant day he meant to move for the erasure of those resolutions. He was sorry to see the country at large generally ranged in opposition to the House. When he said this, however,

he by no means meant to deny the right ing to its object; yet it was a fair inferof the House to commit: on the contrary, ence, that the number was not so great as on a former occasion he had maintained was attempted to be represented. The they had such a right. The House, how distinct ground on which he should vote ever, could not expect that any right of for the rejection of the petition, however, their's should be tamely acknowledged, was, that it was wholly introduced to inwhile they suffered resolutions so contrary sult the House. If any one could make it to their dignity as those to which he had appear that such was not the evident oballuded, to remain upon their journals.ject of the petitioners, he would concur in He would ask the former secretary of the motion for its reception. In his view state, and the chancellor of the exchequer, of the subject, it was impossible to unwith what feelings they had heard the derstand it in any other manner. He Speaker and the petitions say, that they trusted, that the House would not confine bad committed acts at which their ances- their examination of this Petition to one tors would have startled with indignation? or two of the introductory passages, and Why should not they, though at an hum- that they would not be inclined, because ble distance, emulate the purity of their the petitioners" affected humbly to conancestors? He did not wish to speak ceive," to give admission to a petition of a against the privileges, or to lessen the dig- nature so offensive. It was true, that in nity of that House; but while such prac- the petition rejected the other day the tices obtained, he must say, such petitions most gross and unshielded declarations were justly presented.-The House itself were contained; but if other petitions, gave the provocation, and it must take having the same purpose in view, and the consequences. He was ready now comprising the same matter, with the sinnot only to vote for an adjournment, gle exception of being somewhat more but to give notice of a motion for expung-guarded, were admitted, how idle would ing those obnoxious Resolutions from the Journals.

Mr. C. Adams said he opposed the Middlesex petition because it was a mandate; such objection did not attach to the present petition, and therefore he should vote for its reception.

the proceedings of the House appear,
and how completely would they hold
themselves up to public contempt.
An
honourable gentleman opposite (Mr.
Whitbread) seemed to think that petitions
of any sort whatever ought to be received.
The argument of that honourable gen-
tleman was, that the House of Commons
had already lost its dignity and its
sense of justice, and that the confidence of
the people in it was shaken.
Not only
did the hon. gent. declare that such were
his sentiments, but he added, that the
House must not expect the people of Eng-
land to approach them in their petitions
with deference and respect. If that were
indeed the opinion of the hon. gent., he
might well argue for the reception of any
petition, however offensive and insulting.
If that hon. gent. were prepared to receive
the insults of any petitioners; if he even
led the way in insulting the House; if he
contended that the declaration that the
House had lost its dignity was the lan-
guage of truth and justice-then indeed
it was no longer surprising that he should
support such a petition as that which it
was proposed to lay on the table.
could not, however, conceive, that the ob-
servations of the hon. gent. grounded on
such arguments, would have any weight
with the House, however violently they
might be urged. The hon. gent. asserted
that his Majesty's present ministers were
3 M

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had not heard any reason to convince him that the House ought not to deal with the petition just presented as they had dealt with the last petition presented to them on the same subject. The objection made by his right hon. friend to the reception of the petition was not grounded on the assumption that it did not speak the sentiments of the majority of the livery. That was a question the consideration of which would on no occasion influence the House to receive or to reject a petition. His right hon. friend had been completely misunderstood, and had only argued against the reception of the petition, on the ground that it contained matter and expressions which rendered it impossible for the House, consistently with their duty to themselves and to their constituents, to entertain it; and that therefore it was some consolation to him to reflect, that it did not proceed from a majority of the body whose petition it professed to be. Indeed, when the small number of signatures to the petition was considered, although it did not follow that there were not many individuals consent

VOL. XVI.

2.8

He

men calculated to bring the country into | he had acquiesced, mentioned him in a a difficult situation, but that they were milar manner. He had consented to not men calculated to fight the battles of the reception of that petition, because it the House of Commons against the people. came in the first instance from the constiIf that battle must be fought, it seemed tuents of the person who had just then that the House would not have the assis- been committed by the House to the Towtance of the hon. gent. On the contrary, er; because the petitioners had hardly it seemed that he was one of those with had time to deliberate on the strict prowhom the House would have to contend. priety of their expressions, and because Whatever might be the success of that he was anxious that no captiousness should battle, he trusted that the appearance of be shewn by the House on such a subject such insulting documents as that just pre- as the receiving of the petitions of the sented would inspirit the House to resist people. But did it follow that from day the attack that was making upon them, to day and from week to week the House and to shew that they were not to be inti- were bound to entertain fresh and inmidated, although their assailants might be creasing insults? It was too obvious that headed even by the hon. gent. himself. there was a disposition existing in many As to the proposition for deferring the individuals without those walls to degrade decision of the present question, he really and vilify the two Houses of parliament, was at a loss to conceive what doubt could and he was sorry to add that there seemed exist in the mind of his honourable to be a person in that House disposed to friend, with respect to the course lend his assistance to such an effort, and which it became the House to pursue. to set the example of using the strongest Having, however, yielded to a similar language of offence. He trusted that after wish expressed on a former occasion, het a mature consideration, the House on reshould not object to his hon. friend's pro- suming the discussion, would treat this position. He trusted that his hon. friend petition as it deserved-that they would and the House would in the mean time consider that the character of a petition consider the petition, and determine whe- ought to be decent and respectful to the ther or not it was proper that the dignity body to whom it was addressed—that they and justice of the House should be ques- would determine that although they tioned by petitioners, who "humbly con- would not captiously lay hold of any acceived" not only that their proceedings cidental impropriety of language in a pehad been contrary to law, but that no tition, yet when there could be no hesita united effort of the legislature could make tion in believing that a petition was prethem legal-who stated, that they were sented for the express purpose of insult, it not at all surprised at those proceedings would be weakness to consent to its being when they reflected on the manner in laid on their table. which the House was constructed-who, alluding to a vote of the House, declared that they could not contemplate it without indignation and disgust--and who asserted, that the House of Commons had lost the remaining confidence of the people. -Were not these expressions insults! Could any rational man doubt that it was the distinct object of the petitioners, under the mask of humble conception, to insult the House of Commons more grossly than they had been insulted even on former occasions? It had been said by some one in the course of the debate that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) objected to the reception of the petition, because of the manner in which his own name was mentioned in it. He had however given manifold evidence that such did not form with him a ground for the rejection of a petition. The first petition presented on this subject, and in the reception of which

Mr. Whitbread availed himself of the opportunity afforded him by the new question of adjournment, to reply to some of the observations of the right hon. gent. The right hon. gent. had supposed that he (Mr. W.) was one of those who thought that every petition ought to be received by the House let it be couched in what language it might. This was not the fact As a member of Parliament he had always conceived himself bound to present to the House any petition communicated to him by any individual for that purpose, unless that petition contained offensive matter or language; and with this sentiment he had frequently suggested their correction by the petitioners of petitions so given to him for presentation. the petition under consideration was the petition of a constituted and deliberative body-of a body who had a right to ad dress his Majesty on the throne; and whe

But

had exercised that right until obstructed by the present administration. He contended, in opposition to the right hon. gent., that the object of the petitioners was not decidedly to insult the House, and condemned the mode in which the House seemed to seek for insult. The right hon. gent. had accused him of expressing himself in strong language with respect to the want of dignity and justice in the House of Commons. To this accusation, he would only reply, that strong as his expressions had been, language itself was deficient in terms of adequate strength to express the sense which he entertained of the want of dignity in the House of Commons, as considering their conduct with reference to themselves, and of want of justice as considering their conduct with reference to others. То the day of his death, he would fight the battles of the people with the House of Commons when the House of Commons were unjust, and he did not know how he could better acquit himself as a citizen. Whoever might lead the battles of the hon. gentlemen opposite, of this he was convinced, that even had the House justice on their side, the right hon. gent. was incapable of being that leader; but he appeared doubly incapable when he took a ground upon which there was not a colour of justice, and when he betrayed the House into steps which they must ultimately be compelled to retread. The right hon. gent. had originally deluded the present House of Commons by the grossest bigotry. It was probable, that unless they were found sufficiently pliable he would be obliged to advise their termination by a sudden dissolution. For his part he had no hesitation in distinctly declaring it was his opinion, that let the existence of the present parliament terminate when it might, it would terminate in disgrace.

Captain Parker declared, that while he had a seat in that House, he would never agree to the reception of any petition which directly or indirectly insulted the House. The present was of the latter description. It was not a petition, but an artful snare to entrap the House. The petitioners set up their opinion against the opinion of the House; but it was the duty of the House to shew the petitioners that they did not regard their opinion, and that they consider their own much better. The petition contained nothing less than an accusation of the House of Commons of

murder. He would vote for its rejection. As he was on his legs he would observe, that he conceived it to be a very unfair thing to bring the Teller of the Exchequer on the carpet on every discussion, whatever it might be. He understood that that right honourable gentleman would unquestionably have gained his election for Cambridgeshire had he chosen to per

severe.

Mr. Alderman Combe could not consent to postpone the decision of the House one moment upon the petition before them. Adverting to the observation made by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the paucity of signatures, he explained that that was owing to a resolution of the common-hall by which the number of those who were to sign the petition was limited.

Mr. Secretary Ryder, in consequence of the statement made by an hon. gentleman, that to him (Mr. R.) was attributable the refusal of his Majesty to receive in person the petition, observed, that he had done no more than the hon. gent.'s own friends. He had acted precisely in the same way as his predecessors had done ever since lord Grenville held the situation which he had then the honour to fill.

Mr. Whitbread said, that it was little to the purpose to state what others had done. The question was, whether he had acted properly-and in his opinion he had acted with very great impropriety.

It was then agreed that the discussion should be adjourned till to-morrow.

[EXPEDITION AGAINST THE ISLAND OF MACOA.] Mr. Prendergast rose, in pursuance of a notice which he formerly gave, announcing his intention to move for the production of all papers, connected with an Expedition, which was sent, under the command of rear admiral Drury, against the island of Macoa, in the Chinese seas.

a;

He remarked, that when he gave that notice, he did also intimate his intention to move for the production of some other very interesting documents connected with China, and our possessions in India but that when he came to consider the variety and importance of the questions likely to arise out of the fatal and ill-advised expedition to which he had adverted, he deemed it to be more prudent, and less likely to embarrass the House, to bring the question of the expedition singly, and unmixed with any other subject to its consideration. He proposed, therefore, to

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postpone his motion relative to the other private purposes, or to screen the guilty papers to a future day. But before he conduct of those concerned in the planning submitted the motion to which he then and execution of it, unjustifiable measures meant to confine himself, he felt it to be must have been taken to keep the whole necessary for him to offer some brief ex- subject from the public view. Extensively planation, not only of the points to which and remotely scattered, however, as are the his motion referred, but also of the grounds, British possessions all over the habitable on which he felt himself called upon to globe, it may be deemed one of the manisolicit the indulgent attention of the House fold advantages arising out of the nature of on the present occasion. When he ad- our happy and mixed constitution, that verted to the nature and to the very remote there are to be found, amongst the memsituation of our Indian possessions; when bers of the House of Commons, gentlecontemplated the strange and anomalous men, who from local knowledge, or some system on which the government of that particular chain of connexion or intervast empire is administered; when he be- course, possess the means of obtaining acheld the extensive, and he might add, the curate information on all subjects, (howunlimited powers with which the governor- ever remote the scene of action) in which general is necessarily armed, and heard of the honor and the interests of this country wars constantly commenced, and often- are concerned. And he conceived it to be times terminated without the possibility of the bounden duty of every gentleman who referring to the constituted authorities in had the honor of a seat in Parliament, to this country, either as to the expediency, call to its special notice, all such transor to the justice of them; in such a state of actions, as may, from their importance, apthings, and under such extraordinary cir- pear fit subjects for deliberation; being cumstances, it was natural that this country convinced that the circumstances which should feel an anxiety to possess some he should immediately have the honour to effectual check and restraint over their submit to the House, would be found to rulers in India, which could only be at- come strictly and distinctly within this tained by holding them bound by an awful description, and to demand most impermeasure of responsibility for their conduct atively of the House, that an enquiry whilst in office. If public men, acting should be instituted, and some immediate upon their responsibility in the remotest measures be adopted, with a view to repair parts of the universe, were at a certainty, the injuries which had been sustained, to that their measures would be brought preclude the recurrence of similar scenes under discussion in the House of Com- of disgrace and disaster, and, above all, to mons, as speedily as the distance would convince the world, and in particular the admit of, he had not any doubt, but that government, and subjects of China, that such a feeling would produce a two-fold the constituted authorities in this country beneficial operation-it would serve on the were no party (as he sincerely hoped it one hand to deter men from the adoption would appear they were not) to a proceedof doubtful, impolitic, or mischievous mea-ing, which in his apprehension was, in its sures; and excite and stimulate them, on the other, to an active, honourable, and distinguished discharge of their duty. But, no advantage of this nature could be obtained, no adequate responsibility could be made to attach, if it be permitted that transactions involving the dearest interests, the character, the honour, and the blood of the country, should be suppressed or withheld from the knowledge of the House, and of the country. And this he maintained to have been the case in regard to the expedition in question, of which he had never heard the slightest mention made by gentlemen in office, nor had he been able to trace in the public prints of the day any report, or the remotest allusion to it; from all which circumstances he inferred, that, either with a view to serve

plan and progress, as gross a violation of justice and good faith, as it proved, in its issue, a monument of disgrace, obloquy, and disaster. Influenced by these motives arising out of the foregoing considerations, and encouraged by the indulgence which he had uniformly observed it to be the disposition of the House to exercise towards persons unaccustomed to address it, he should proceed, with all possible respect and deference, to state a few outlines of the case to which he had adverted, in the anxious hope, that the House would concur with him, as to the propriety of instituting an enquiry into those transactions, and the consequent necessity of ordering the papers to be laid before Parliament, for which he should have the honor to move. In the actual stage of the business,

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