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which they held out an assurance so late as the 23rd of January last, was dissipated. The Cortes, which were to be immediately assembled, had not even a town in Spain to meet in. The Expedition to Walcheren had failed-totally failed, and was there an individual in that House who would not wish that that Expedition had never taken place? In fact, nothing that ministers promised was fulfilled-nothing they speculated upon was successful; and was it then possible, that the committee, with such ample and recent experience, could consent to invest ministers with the means of engaging in any farther hopeless speculations? That which we had learnt from past experience, we should now adopt prospectively for our future policy. It appeared to him quite romantic to expect, that a British army of 20 or 25,000 men, even with whatever co-operation Portugal could give, would be able to maintain a war on the Spanish peninsula as principals against France. He should therefore recommend to the committee and to his majesty's ministers, to husband the resources of the country for our own defence, and looking upon that as the soundest line of policy, he felt himself bound to oppose the motion.

Mr. Jacob denied that France had any complete occupation of Spain, either civil or military. If he were to look over the map of Spain, and begin from the northern province of Catalonia, he would there find the French by no means masters of the province; and he would be at a loss to say whether there were at this moment more Spanish towns besieged by the French, or towns occupied by French troops besieged by the Spaniards. The communications were so completely cut off, that the French could not send a letter from Barcelona to Gerona, without an escort of at least 500 cavalry to protect it. In the next province of Valencia there was not a French soldier, but the Spaniards had at least 50,000 men, armed with dif ferent weapons. The French had obtained but little footing in Murcia and Grenada; and, generally speaking, those towns only were surrendered to them, which were under the influence of the nobility and gentry of large estates; but the mass of the people were patriotic, and the villages were still defended against them, after the towns bad been betrayed. He believed that among the nobility and gentry, where there were two brothers, the man of great possessions was always for

VOL. XVI,

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submitting to the enemy; while the other joined the patriotic standard. Not only the villages but the mountains were still obstinately defended, so that the communications of the French were never secure. We had been accustomed to consider civil wars as the most horrible of all kinds of hostilities, but he believed that there never was a civil war so horrible as that which was new raging in Spain. He believed the massacres, the pillage, and the violence offered to women were unparalleled. He had lately been witness to dreadful atrocities of this description committed by the French in that country. The town of Puerto Ruel surrendered on certain terms, and Victor, upon entering it, published a proclamation, promising the most perfect security to all the inhabitants. Nevertheless, he had hardly taken possession of it, before he ordered the men (who were most of them artificers at the docks of Cadiz) to be imprisoned, and the females were marched down to St. Mary's, to be violated by his army. No one could wish so dreadful a state of things to continue; but still the patriots of Spain preferred this horrid state to absolute submission. Every part of the country was inspired with the utmost hatred of their oppressors, and Gallicia and some other provinces had, by their own exertions, driven the French out of their country. Spain was still far from being conquered by France, and Buonaparté could have derived far greater advantages from that country by governing it as formerly by his influence. He could not separate the cause of Spain from that of Portugal, and thought the best way we could act for its defence would be to make use of the cooperation of the Portuguese. He hoped sincerely that there was no ground for despair; but even if Spain was to be lost, it was probable that the fleet would be saved. Whenever the period for despair should arrive, he trusted that proper measures would be taken to meet it. It would then remain for the wisdom and policy of whoever should then be the ministers of this country, still to protect the distant but valuable portion of the Spanish empire in America, and prevent those rich colonies from falling into the hands of France.

Captain Parker spoke in faovur of the resolution. It had been said that the cause was hopeless. He denied it-it could not be hopeless, for while there was life there was hope. He asked, if it became a generous power like England to B****

abandon a friend in the moment of distress? Gentlemen had argued, that our assistance could do no good, but would not our refusal of that assistance do considerable harm? The Portuguese troops had been greatly abused, as men unwilling or incapable of defending themselves. Put them under sound British officers, and he would warrant they could be made something of. Let such men as the victorious lord Wellington, or the gallant marshal Beresford, have but the leading of them, and he would pledge his existence that under such men they would never run away. The grant of itself was wise, but at such a critical period it was indispensible, and he should therefore vote in support of it.

Mr. Whitbread spoke in complimentary terms of the characteristic fervour and spirit so becoming his youth, and his profession, that breathed throughout the speech of the gallant officer who last sat down. He could have wished, however, to have seen that spirit more profitably exercised. An allusion had been made to sir Sidney Smith, the ornament to his profession and the glory of his country. He certainly was willing to do justice to the services of that distinguished officer at Acre; and he believed had it not been for the check the conqueror of the world then and there met with, that, bad as the present condition of Europe was, it would have been materially worse; but Buonaparté, it seemed, knew, to use the language of an hon. gent. (Mr. Jacob), the period of despair, and proposed to meet it. We should profit by the lessen-fus est ab hoste doceri-let us know when every further effort will be a fruitless waste of blood and treasure, and cease to continue to make them. That hon. gent. had en⚫tered into a detail of shocking atrocities, alledged by him to be committed by the French in Spain. Was he an eye witness to them? And if he was not, or if he were, why were they detailed to the committee, unless to inflame them upon a question where their judgment only should decide. Abuses, no doubt, must have prevailed; but were gentlemen aware of none committed under circumstances of less provocation, where the clergy received the mandates of power, to ascend their pulpits, and issue from them falsehoods not more rank than they were notorious! But if there was this spirit in Spain that had been contended for, where were its effects? Were they visible in suffering the French

troops to pass over the face of their country like light through an unresisting medium? Where they manifested in the defence of the Sierra Morena-a pass that 500 resolute men might have defended against an army? They had been, indeed, gravely told, that the post could not pass unmolested. No doubt this was a most serious calamity, and a conclusive proof of the energy of the popular spirit! only unfortunately they had the same proof in another way in a neighbouring country.. At the time of the troubles in Ireland the post was conveyed throughout that country under constant military escort. But what, in the name of common sense, was the object in keeping up these troops in Portugal? Was Portugal chosen as the arena in which they were to fight over again the battles for the liberties of Europe? Or what they had been refused under better auspices were they to hope to gain under those that were less favourable?→→ The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had talked of the benefit of an Austrian war, but he seemed to forget that the situation of Europe was changed -that the new idea of marriages and fetes drew the connection between France and Austria closer and made it firmer: that what Austria lost by the war she was likely to gain by this marriage, an event so fortunate for her broken down condition, that it might well be said, as it had in a former instance of the Austrian reigning family,

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"Et quæ, Mars negat aliis, eadem dat tibi Venus." But with respect to this transaction relative to the Portuguese troops, the House had not been treated fairly. He must condemn the practice of advancing money for such a purpose without the consent of parliament, and it appeared that on the 28th of February bills were drawn for the money which was not voted till the 8th of May following. Why had not the House been informed of those bills, which were at that time drawn, by the foreign secretary? They had heard a good deal of English valour, and how far it might be relied on in restoring the cause of Spain. He, too, thought highly of Eng lish valour, but he thought as highly of English patience; but patient as the people of this country were, that patience, like every thing human, had its limits. The vigour of the vigorous administration, might wear it out at last. But, if they were to vote this million of money, he wished to know where it was to be had?

-Here the hon. gent. adverted to the evidence of Mr. Huskisson before the Scheldt Committee; the substance of Mr. Huskisson's answers going to shew, that if an army of 40,000 men had been, in July last, landed in the north of Europe, it would have required 500,000l. to set them in motion for a given time, and 300,000l. to subsist them for that time-one month; and, that this country could not at that time have contributed that extraordinary supply of 800,000l. Did not a statement of this nature require examination? Did not the question, after such a statement, call for further consideration? It was for this further delay he now contended. Spain had not done its duty-no matter from what cause-the people, had, however, some excuse-they had been under the selfish sway of an aristocracy, that only wanted to use them as an instrument to effect their own narrow purposes; their implicit confidence had been abused by the blind bigotry of an intolerant priesthood-a priesthood, that whatever it preached, practised not the gospel it ought not alone to preach but practice; they had had the sword in their hands as often as the crosier-and that they had had, he feared, in their hearts any thing but the meekness, humility, charity, and peace that their blessed master had inculcated by his pure precepts, enforced by the example of his apostle's life, and sealed by the last sufferings of his all atoning death! While he (Mr. W.) valued those precepts and that example, he never could take pleasure in setting man against his fellowman in a hopeless struggle. He thought the present cause hopeless, and as such, he never would consent to its being uselessly and cruelly protracted.

of a due exercise of discretion on the subject. Adverting to the observations made by the hon. gent. on his evidence in the Committee, he observed, that the calculations into which he then entered were founded on the supposition, that our expenditure in Spain and Portugal would be upon the scale on which it now was. It was unfair to infer from his evidence that he did not believe sufficient specie for this purpose could under any circumstances be obtained. He was satisfied, that if a proper time were allowed, and a good price given, specie would rapidly flow into the country.

Mr. Bathurst not only deprecated any further delay, but thought that ministers ought sooner to have called for the decision of parliament upon it. Whatever might be the blame due to the conduct of the campaign in the peninsula, it was enough for him to know that an alliance with Portugal had been concluded, and that Portugal, in virtue of that alliance, demanded our assistance. He conceived that it would be highly dishonourable for this country to desert a cause which he could not characterise as absolutely hopeless, and he expressed his conviction that the Portuguese troops, when disciplined and commanded by British officers, would form a very efficient army.

The question being now loudly called for, a division took place-For the postponement 142; Against it 204; Majority 62. The original motion was then carried without a division.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, March 12.

[SLAVE TRADE.] Lord Holland rose, Mr. Huskisson did not conceive that to pursuant to notice, to recall the attention of watch the struggle of the Spanish and their lordships to the address adopted by Portuguese nations, and if triumphant that House, and the decision they had alone, to plant our banners with theirs, come to, in 1806, respecting the abolition would be either a wise or an honourable of the Slave Trade. In that address his policy. Certainly, Portugal was not the Majesty was requested to instruct the seplace that we should purposely select for cretary of state for foreign affairs to take the arena on which to fight the last bat- the most effectual measures, in conjunctles of Europe, but this was not the question with other foreign states, for the getion. The question was, whether we were to withhold from his Majesty's ministers the means by which the contest might be rendered more likely to be successful in its termination. The vote of this million did not impose on ministers the necessity. of expending it in Spain or Portugal; it gave them merely the power of doing so, and on them would rest the responsibility

neral abolition of that inhuman and odious trade. A period of more than three years had since elapsed, but scarcely any thing had during that time been heard of what progress had been made or was making towards the accomplishment of that desirable end. This was a subject which should not be allowed to sleep. Sweden, at the time that address was moved and

assented to, had but narrow means of car-jesty on this subject was very forcible and

solemn, and that undoubtedly it ought most seriously to be attended to; he should therefore offer no objection to the address moved by the noble lord.

rying on that trade. The extent of that traffic, carried on by the subjects of Sweden, had since, however, considerably increased. With Spain and Portugal, our influence at the present moment should The motion was therefore agreed to. naturally be great, and therefore it should [FOREIGN EXPEDITIONS.] The Earl of be taken advantage of to accelerate the at- Darnley rose to make his promised motion, tainment of an object which we solemnly respecting the sending on foreign service professed to have so much at heart. More so large a portion of the regular force however, could be done to that effect with of the kingdom. His lordship began by the united states of America, than with taking a retrospective view of the meaany other power, and he trusted the op- sures of the present administration, or portunity afforded so fortunately by the rather of the conduct of the men who present negociations for touching on that have been in power in this country since subject would not be neglected. It should the fatal battle of Austerlitz. With that be made the reciprocal object and mutual decisive action ended, in his opinion, all interest of those two governments. We hopes of the restoration of the independshould declare to America that we would ence of Europe. Yet by a blind fatality, put in force all the penalties enacted the government of this country continued against that trade, and that we would to embark in wild enterprises for the acconfiscate every ship discovered to be em-complishment of an object which had so ployed in it. America should be invited to adopt, and act upon, the same regulation, and in the execution of it, the two governments should lend each other their mutual support. For if, as he trusted, the Slave Trade had been proved to be contrary to justice and humanity, then it must also be contrary to the law of nations. And surely there never was a moment when the law of nations ought more vigilantly to be attended to, and more strictly be observed, than the present.. It was upon the violation or the observance of that law, that every thing seemed now to turn. What would be thought of this country-in what light would the decision of the British legislature be considered, if, after having adopted measures so serious and come to a decision so solemn, for the abolition of the Slave Trade, we should afterwards seem to forget that we had ever entered into the merits of this question, or adopted such grave resolutions? The object of his present motion was to prevent such a supposition, and to ascertain what steps had been taken by his Majesty's government for carrying the object of the address of that House into execution. His lordship concluded with moving an humble address to his Majesty, praying "That there be laid before that House copies or extracts of several representations, and the answers thereto, which had been made to the ministers of different foreign states respecting the abo-The report of their intention to send on lition of the Slave Trade."

The Earl of Liverpool was ready to confess that the address presented to his Ma

long become hopeless. Accordingly, they failed in all their expeditions; or if they succeeded in one (the expedition against Copenhagen), the success was overbalanced by the disgrace of the achievement. It might be said of the tenor and character of their expeditions that they were "Monstrum nulla virtute redemptum a "vitiis!" They crowned all these heroic expeditions by the last, that to Walcheren, of which he should now take but little notice, trusting that the conduct of those who framed and executed that expedition would be brought before their lordships in a more solemn and regular manner. He could not, however, but observe, that of the whole of the military force employed in that expedition, not one half remained fit for service. This would appear from the late returns. Yet it was, after the fruitless sacrifice of so many brave men, after the wild and unavailing profusion of so much blood and treasure, that ministers were now preparing to drain the country of the small regular force that yet remained for its defence. He was sorry our gallant army had not a more able advocate than he could pretend to be; but seeing the conduct of ministers in the light in which he did, he could not but conjure that House to interpose, and rescue the remains of our brave army from the sacrifice to which the folly and infatuation of ministers were pressing to doom them.

foreign service all the remaining regular British troops in the kingdom, was too general not to have some foundation.

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How far it was founded in fact he wished to be explained. He wished moreover to ascertain what were our remaining resources for the internal defence of the country? It might be objected to his motion that it would be conveying improper information to the enemy. He did not believe it would afford the enemy more information than he was already in possession of. He believed indeed the enemy knew full as much as ministers of the internal situation of the country, and that perhaps would not be knowing much. For after the gross and shameful ignorance of which they had been convicted in the framing of their expeditions, it was not easy to imagine they could be in possession of any correct information. The country should not be kept in the dark, when its most vital interests were at stake. He should therefore move an humble address to his Majesty, praying "That he would be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before that House a return of the amount of the regular military force now in these kingdoms."

ble to employ them than in the last hold of Spanish independence, than in a spot where the loyal Spaniards may have deposited their remaining treasure, and from which, in case of an unavailing defence, we may aid them in rescuing it from the gripe of a rapacious enemy? He saw no possible danger that could arise from sending this force abroad, while it would be acting in conformity with the pledge we had given to Spain, and in unison with the spirit which first prompted this country to espouse the cause of the Spanish patriots. In that view he would give his vote against the motion of the noble lord.

The Marquis of Downshire supported the motion of his noble friend in a maiden speech. He particularly objected to drawing more men from Ireland. He believed that at the present moment there was not in that part of the empire more than three or four thousand regular troops. Was that a sufficient force to secure it against any sudden incursion that might be made into that country? Those among their lordships, who like himself were interested in the fate of Ireland, should seriously attend to that circumstance. Why were not the German troops employed on foreign expeditions; was it that they could not be trusted: and that more reliance was placed in the steadiness and fidelity of the British troops? Whatever was the reason, it was galling to the feelings of the country to see their brave countrymen taken from the defence of their native soil, perhaps to be uselessly sacrificed in the support of a foreign cause. He must again entreat their lordships to look to the state of Ireland, and they would then see the impolicy of sending more troops abroad.-On the question being put,

Lord Mountjoy expressed his surprise at the wide range which the speech of the noble lord had taken. He would not agree with the noble lord that the lives of our soldiers had in any of the expeditions alluded to, been sacrificed in vain. Had they not afforded the opportunity of proving to the world our characteristic superiority, and of reviving the glory of the intrepid valour, the ardent spirit, and the steady discipline of British troops? Was not that in itself a most brilliant and important result? Neither could he agree with the noble lord that our loss had been so great in the Scheldt Expedition as had been represented, or that the country would be left so bare of men as the noble lord seemed to insinuate.-According to the Medical Report on their lordship's table most of the men who had returned sick from Walcheren, would be able to resume actual service by the months of May and June. They would consequently be in a condition to supply the place of those troops which it might now be the intention of government to send abroad. There were objects of high in- The Earl of Harrowhy had only to obterest at stake-undoubtedly no oppor- serve, that the noble lord seemed himself tunity should be omitted of assisting and to anticipate unanswerable objections to encouraging the Spaniards and Portuguese, his motion; and he would leave it to their whenever they made a stand and seemed lordships' consideration, how far it was resolved to resist the common enemy. If proper to propose such a motion, under the troops were destined for the defence an impression of that nature. The noble of Cadiz, where could it be more desira-earl had also taken the opportunity of en

The Earl of Darnley rose, and said, he had trusted that his Majesty's ministers, now in their places, would have returned some answer to the arguments he advanced in support of the motion he had made. There might be unanswerable objections to it, but it became the noble lords to have stated these objections as the ground of their opposition.

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