by the magistracy, of this world and that which is to come and that, as the principles are much the same in both cases, it is as easy, and almost as perilous, to reason wrong on either as the other. Hence some and even many maddened apostates or virulent infidels, who are not altogether dispassionate or disinterested inquirers, are found to oppose those wholesome principles of society, without which its civil or domestic existence would become impossible-as sure and full experience shows. They endeavor to prove the wickedness of the executive act; of the judiciary that sanctions it; of the legislation that ordains it! as if wickedness were necessary to it; as if Washington did not sign the death-warrant of Andre with emotion and with tears; as if benevolence itself would not sacrifice a man who makes himself a nuisance against the life of others; as if Quakerism ought not to be put down, if it is false; as if justice were hostile to mercy; as if one ought to have mercy less on the commonwealth, than on him who would burn it to ashes for the sake of pilfering among the ruins, the relics of its treasure; as if there was but one way of cheapening human life; as if God could not punish, without spite; as if his punitive justice were any other than a modification of his infinite benevolence; as if benevolence itself were not the inspiration of his way, when he "punishes the wicked with everlasting destruction, from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power!" By such reasoners, it is often alleged that capital punishment is useless, since it does not prevent

crime notoriously. I reply (1) This might prove possibly its inexpediency, but never its unlawfulness. (2) It is absurd to say it prevents none, because all is not prevented. And it is manifestly false. The fear of capital punishment prevents millions of murders-that would otherwise be perpetrated! It prevents, and controls, and intimidates, to a degree incalculably great. What but moral restraint ordinarily coerces the mutual hatred of men? and what moral restraint exists, beside the sword of armed authority, sufficiently gross and palpable to check their fury who fear no retribution from the throne of God! (3) All their reasoning is sufficiently refuted from the ordinance of God, establishing capital punishment, by his own authority in this world, and by more than this-his own awful agency in the next.

8. The right to take life, and consequently to. redress wrongs equitably in any other way, has been solemnly and fully delegated in the word of God to the magistracy of this world; which is hence his own ordinance, obligatory alike on the actions and the consciences of his creatures universally. This could be proved from innumerable places of the New Testament; from the crucifixionscene of three sufferers, and the history of the abuses of power attending it; and from one or two selected passages soon to be considered. It is even implied in the "fourteenth thesis" of Barclay; where, in reference to the power of the MAGISTRATE, though he says nothing of divine authority with him, he avers that "the law is for the transgressor, and

justice to be administered upon all, without respect of persons." And how could this be, if armed authority in the state, with the power of life and death in its possession, were morally wrong, contrary to the will of God, a system only of legalized and impious murder? Without the power of life and death, government is a nullity and law contemptible; the foundations of society are everted, and the hopes of the sublunary universe expire! Yet, what Friend could wear a sword or wield one? He who thinks all war and resistance of evil, necessarily a diabolical crime, and "unlawful for christians?" or, he who thinks war in some cases just? But such an one is no Friend. He has lost cast, and gone away from the luminary within. I refer here mainly to Rom. 13: 1-7, or the whole chapter; where we are plainly taught the following things: (1) That civil government, as such, is a divine institution; "the authorities that be are ordained of God," as a regency of his own. (2) That their power includes the prerogative of life and death, according to equity. (3) That they are hence authorized to make war, on certain occasions and responsibly to the Supreme Commander, against malefactors of all sorts; one of them, and any one, and millions of them, other things being equal. (4) That they are charged with the repose and order of society, against all insurgents that would disturb it; for the magistrate "is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger ta

execute wrath upon him that doeth evil." Hence (5) That it is the duty inalienably, and ought to be a part of the religion, of all men, to honor and obey the magistracy, in the due and lawful exercise of their power. "Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath," (or fear of them,) “but also FOR CONSCIENCE' SAKE." (6) We see the treason against God of one of the principles of Friends-that on which they refuse incorrigibly, either to bear arms in any case, or to pay the fines very properly levied against delinquents or exempts. They plead conscience! What right have they, I ask, to keep such a conscience? Is it conscience "resisting the ordinance of God?" And what respect deserves it from man? I answer, just as much as it gets from God. It is nothing better than a piece of will-worship, according to the inspiration of a man's deluded feelings, ignorant or cowardly or perverse or indolent or perhaps compounded of all these, leading him religiously to have his own way at all events. Hear the word of God: "For, for this cause PAY YE TRIBUTE ALSO: for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render THEREFORE to all their dues: TRIBUTE TO WHOM TRIBUTE IS DUE; CUSTOM TO WHOM CUSTOM; FEAR TO WHOM

FEAR; HONOR TO WHOM HONOR.' It was the MILITARY government of the CÆSARS to which was the direct reference of the apostle at the time. But Friends say, we cannot pay militia fines; nor do any thing to uphold the military power. Ah ! truly and why do you ever become adjuncts and

allies and officers of such a civic dynasty? or vote for the ministers of such a power? What are you doing at the polls, but upholding that very power? What moral right have you there? to vote or be voted for? And yet all of you (generally "') exercise the right of suffrage. And you virtually APPEAL TO THE SWORD, WHENEVER you sue a man, and invoke the armed interference of the law to COERCE him to his duty! Have I no right here to suggest that casuistry is sometimes marvellously convinced, not by evidence but by influence; not by the Bible, but the-PURSE! If the government charged a pecuniary bonus or capitation tax for the privilege of voting, I presume there would be heard some new conscientious groaning against the military powereven by Friends! But it gives them influence in a cheap way; and hence they forget the dreadful horror they sometimes feel in doing any thing to uphold a military government. Without such a government, there is not a right, nor a possession, nor an endearment, they could call their own, one single day or night! And yet-others must do the fighting or pay for the war: they only enjoy the privileges; which blood and treasure other than their own, procured for them and still preserves. In the defence of the commonwealth, they refuse all responsibility: and just so-by proxy-do they support and diffuse christianity in the world! translate the scriptures, defend them, and so forth! The Father of his Country, in answer to an address of the society, congratulating him in their way on his accession to the presidency of the Union,