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POLITICAL, &c. Art. 23. Considerations upon the State of Public Affairs in the Year
1798. Part 3d.-The Domestic State and General Policy of Great Britain. 8vo. 25. Rivingtons, &c.
The introductory pages of this pamphlet are occupied in congra. tulating the country on its deliverance from the Negotiation at Lisle, which the author, in the language of triumph, represents as a pros. perous defeat, a happy calamity, a fortunate disgrace ;' since which « our affairs have assumed another aspect, every sun has shone out brighter, and a warmer glow has gilded our horizon.' In the same elaborate but animated style which distinguished the preceding parts of these considerations, the writer then proceeds to shew that the only enemy which England has to dread is expenditure ; and that the only allies in whom we ought to confide are æconoiny and time. :: He argues (in our apprehension) with force, and with great propriety, on the wisdom and prudence of a war altogether defensive, and a total freedom from all foreign alliances and continental connections. He insists, too, that peace must not again be attempted • till the enemy, so far from having power to impose or to grant it, shall be spent, and prostrate at our feet, and under the visible necessity of receiving it, such as we will grant.' When we consider what that conjuncture is, which in the opinion of our author is the only proper period for closing the scene of war; that, in his opinion too, our future safety lies in economy alone; and that he is aware how prodigal and lavish mi. nisters have been, and that in all probability and appearance it is their system still go to be; we cannot but wonder at the high tone of exultation and triumph in which he speaks of the prospect of continued warfare. In such a view of things, we see little to lift us above des spondency: for we fear that the warning voice which calls aloud for economy will not be heard. That frugality should engraft itself on profusion; and that ministers, after a long career of prodigality, should suddenly become in the last act of the political tragedy the frugal guardians of the public purse ; is a scene too exclusively dramatic for us to expect its appearance in the living annals of this or any other country. Though economy in the disposition of our revenues be the great sheet-anchor, by the aid of which we are to weather all the storms that may assail our finances, the author conceives flattering hopes from the land-tax; the sale of which he calls
the omen of a great and comprehensive policy,' to which we may confidently look forwards, which will soon be demanded by the general voice of the country, and which is the certain means and epocha of our financial relief.'
According to the present author, the middle class is the only one which has suffered by the war. In the following sentence, we cona ceive, there is more of fattery than truth :- The poor and industrious of every name have been indemnitied by augmented wages for every tax that reaches them, and ministers have taken the most laud. able and exemplary care that these should be very few; our rich do not know what taxation is. We take from their heap but not from them; from their banker, and not their usc. p. 64.
The writer expresses rapture at the spirit shewn by the people, in forwarding the scheme of voluntary contributions : but we doubt H2
not that the terms in which he speaks of the check which that spirit received from the avarice and penury of some highly distin, guished characters; as well as his language respecting the late negotiation at Lisle; will call forth the censure of those readers who, from a purchased devotion (or in some instances, perhaps, from a disinterested zealotry) to the powers that be, cannot tolerate any supposition of error on the part of the present administration. Art. 24.' An Alarm to Land-Holders ; or the Consequences of the
Bill for the Redemption of the Land-tax. By Sir John Sinclair, Bart. President of the Board of Agriculture, as delivered in the House of Commons. Containing in Substance, all the Arguments
which have been urged by Lord Slieffield, Mr. Sheridan, Sir · Francis Burdet, and other Gentlemen, against the Measure. 8vo. · Is. Vernor and Hood.
The public are already tolerably well acquainted with the various arguments which have been urged against the bill for the redemption of the land-tax; those who are yet ignorant of them may here find the principal points on which the opponents of that measure have dwelt, expressed in a very neat, easy, and impressive style. There are, however, several other publications on this subicct, which must wait till our next Review. Art. 25. A Letter on Finance, and on National Defence; addressed I to those who are inclined to despond at the present Posture of - Public Affairs. By John Charnock jun. 8vo. Is. 6d. Faulder,
The“ voluntary contributions” of adrice, on the subject of finance, have lately been very liberal. This is Mr. Charnock's quota ; and if it be deficient in soine of those qualities which are the result of a comprehensive view of the subject to which it relates, and of long experience, it at least abounds in boldness and novelty.–To enable our readers to judge of Mr. C.'s financial talents, it will be necessary to state only one or two of his opinions ;-for instance, he thinks that no nation can be in a state of bankruptcy, while the permanent and immoveable property, (by which he means the land of the coun. try, the timber growing on it, and the buildings erected on it,) and all the moveable and cattle property, are more than equal in value to the public debt.-Great Britain of course is in no danger of banka ruptcy, beca:16e the whole saleable value of the land and moveable property of the country amounts, in his calculation, to 5000,000,000l. while the national debt in only 400,000,000.--Again; Mr. C. is of opinion that it is of little consequence to a country, to what extent taxation is carried ; provided only that the quantum of circulating medium (no matter whether that be specie or paper) always keeps due pace with the state necessity; --Thus the minister may, without in. jury to the country, raise the present taxes an hundred fold, provided he sends into circulation a proportional quantity of Bank.paper or Government securities. This fact Mr. C. thinks so firm, absolute, and incontrovertible, that he boldly challenges the united wisdom of republicanism to attempt its disproval; and he rests extremely certain that, in twenty lines, and on most positive evidence, he shall be able fully to answer any thing that may be advanced in the attempt to controvert it! There is nothing wanted to makc this discovery of
Mr. Mr.C. very comfortable, both to the people and the minister, but to make it credible. We, however, have some doubt whether this be possible.
A French invasion, the author thinks it probable, will be at tempted; if it were only for the purpose of enabling the Directory to get rid of the army. Should the enemy's troops, contrary to all probability, effect a landing, he is of opinion that the numerous mili. tary levies and the ditches of the country will afford means of the most effective defence. Art. 26. Peace in our Power, upon Terms not unreasonable. By
Charles Baring, Esq. 8vo. Is. Cadell jun. and Davies. 1798. Mr. Baring professes, and indeed appears, to be no party-man. He declares himself to have originally disapproved the war, but yet thinks that the indiscriminate opposition of Mr. Fox and his party was far from commendable, and that it tended rather to pros tract than to terminate the unhappy contest. From a continuance of this contest, the great danger to be feared is, in Mr. B.'s ap. prehension, the annihilation of our public credit, by the immense expence to which France may put us in maintaining an enormous mi. Litary and marine establishment. To obtain peace, therefore, appears to him of the last necessity; and peace, if properly sought, he belieres to be within our own power. The means by which it should be pursued are, first, the formal renunciation by his Britannic Majesty of the title of King of France,' which the author thinks would give a decisive blow to the ruling powers in France, as it would furnish an unequivocal proof of the sincere desire of England for peace; the second step is to enter into immediate treaty with Denmark or Sweden, or Russia, or America, proposing that in future neutral ships should constitute neutral property, except in particular cases of contra band trade. The right claimed by England of seizing the property of enemies on board neutral ships, he says, has given general disgust; though the law of retaliation has made other nations adopt it, it is no more authorized by the law of nature than the right of breaking open the house of a stranger to seize the goods of an enemy; and the renunciation of it by England would considerably advance that perpetual peace which, we are told, is one day to take place. When his Majesty shall have consented to discontinue the title of King of France, and when it shall have been agreed or proposed to agree that neutral ships constitute neutral property,' then, and not till, then, the author would offer terms of peace to France, on the principle of resigning both to herself and her allies all out conquests, withoui reserve; which proposal should be transmitted by a common messenger, rather than through the hands of the Lords Auckland or Malmesbury. Such are the means by which Mr. B. thinks that peace may now be obtained ; and some such means pro. bably must be ultimately used to obtain it. Art. 27., Plan för raising the Supplies during the War, humbly sub
mitted to the Two Houses of Parliament, the Landed and Monicd • Interest, and to all Ranks and Conditions of Deople capable of
contributing to the Expences of the State. 8vo. 15. Elmsly and Bremner. 1798.'..uno
The The plan here proposed is, “ That under the authority of Parlia. ment, A GENERAL ASSOCIATION should be entered into for the de. fence of these kingdoms, and for the maintenance of our religion, laws, liberties, and the constitution of our government, in church and state ; and that to this end, we should undertake TO RAISE THE SUPPLIES for the service of the current year, by a subscription, sup. pose of twenty millions in a three per ce:it. fund to be taken at fifty per cent. SUCH FUND NOT TO B: TRANSFERABLE DURING THE WAR ; and that we should engage to hold ourselves in readiness to subscribe annually for the service of government upon the same terms, or terms more beneficial to the public, if the times will admit of it, as long as the war shall continue.” It is proposed that the interest of the money to be thus borrowed should be raised by a per cenu tage on all such taxes, as may be increased with the least possible inconvenience to the public, and by taxing such new subjects of taxation, as in the judgment of those who understand this business, will bear a tax; perhaps also by taking off parts of taxes where the article has been found to be so overloaded, as materially to lessen the consumption, and consequently the accuinulative produce of such taxes,'
The principal difference between the loan to be thus raised, and the, “ loyalty loan,” (which the writer acknowleges to have now be. come a term of reproach,') is that here the securities are not trans, ferable ;-by which, he thinks, the maximum of the subscription will be fixed at its true point, as men will not in this case subscribe a larger sum than they can well afford to pay into the exchequer. The success of such a plan, it is obvious, must depend on the hearty concurrence of the great body of the people ; and so sanguine is the writer in his opinion of their patriotism, that he thinks it cannot be supposed that there will be found, in these kingdoms, any considerable number of men so little affected by the arduous situation of affairs, as to canvass with the greedy attention of a money-jobber the terms of a supply upon which depends perhaps the fate of their country ;' he suppoles that they will come in by thousands and tens of thousands to lend their money in this way, though they might not be disposed to give it.
We hope that there may be yet existing this spirit of patriotism : but we cannot help saying that recent facts, in both countries, have made it rather doubtful. In Ireland, during the last year, a loan for the small sum of 400,cool. was opened, at legal interest, without douceur or bonus, when only a few thousands were subscribed; and can it be supposed that, in England, the ” loyalty loan” became a
bye-word and term of reproach' only because the securities were transferable ? Art. 28. The Free-Man's Vade-Meçum ; or, an intended Oration art
Liberty, &c. With a Dedication to every Englishman who loves his Country. By Phileleutheros, a Pioneer in the Army of Rea.
son. Syo. 26. 6d. Jordan. · In this intended oration, the current politics of the times are rehearsed, with no small degree of censure on one side of the question, and many hints for the remedy of what is amiss. As the author is
by no means an advocate for “ things, as they are," he will in course be ranked, by our violent ministerialsts, with the democrats :' but we do not mean to bestow on him this appellation : to us he appears to be a harmless retailer of such political wares as are in common circulation. , Art. 29: An Address to the British Forces by Sea and Land, armed
to resist the French Invasion. 8vo. 2 d. Yarmouth, printed by Bush.
A high-flown declamation against the Gallic foe; intended to rouse and annate us not merely to defeat but to exterminate the daring aud desperate invaders. No recreant survivor,' says the author,
shall carry the sad tidings home !'-Criticism would be ill employed in noting little defects in the execution of such a design as the present. ' At all events, it is to be hoped that we shall have no occasion for these incentives. Art. 30. An Alarm to the Pullie, and a Bounty promised to every
Loyal Subject who shall come forward to repel the Enemy. Arms and Accoutrements provided for every Man, Gratis. By J. Brown.8vo. 2d. Yarmouth, Bush, &c. 1798.
This appears to be the production of the same pen, as well as the same press, to wlich the public is obliged for.the preceding Address. By a note at the bottom of the title-page, well disposed people are informed that the two tracts inay be purchased for jos. 6 d. per hundred copies, to give away. Art. 31. Libellus ; or a brief Sketch of the Kingdom of Gotham.
Containing Observations respecting its King, Prices, Nobles, Bishops, and inferior Senators; its Mode of Election ; tlie Dura. tion of its Parliaments; its Ministers of State, Judges and other Professors of the Law; Customs of the People, their Dress, and Amusements; their Agricultural Regulations, Commercial Pursuits, and the Natural Productions of their Country; their wellmanaged Police; their Ecclesiastical Polity and their System of Politics. To which is added an admirable: Essay on Titles. izmo, Is. Jordan. An attempt at irony.-- When will another Swift appear!
POETRY. Art. 32. A Poem on the Escape of Sir Sidney Smith, from France, and
his happy Arrival in England. 4to. 28. Hatchard, &c. 1798.
In perusing this publication, the reader will kcam, froin a few rapid allusions to the adventures and exploits of Sir Sidney Smith, that, when a midshipman on board the Sandwich, under Lord Rodney, he displayed an extraordinary calinness and presence of mind, wien the ship was in a critical situation in consequence of sustaining, for a length of time, the fire of five of the encny's line of battle ships; that he took a chart of the Danube, and was charged by the Ottoinan Porte with the repair and restoration of the fortress of Ismael ;--that he saved the Swedish Acet off Wyburg and Biorko from a superior force of the Russians, and was created Knight of the Swedish order of the Sword;
that he was one of the first founders of “The society for the im. provement of naval architecture;”-that he, volunțecred the entere prise of burning the enemy's ships at Toulon ;-and that he took, in