noble authors, and the early state of painting, are thrown into an appendix consisting of 48 pages. Mr. Walpole seems entitled to an honourable acquittal at the tribunal of the public, from the charge of harsh treatment of Chatterton'; except in the instance of not returning his MSS. when demanded, previously to Mr. W.'s departure for France. His credulity in believing the forgeries of the young impostor to be genuine, when first communicated to him, was not more than that of the learned Mr. Tyrrwhit and others, previously to mature reflection and investigation. Mr. Walpole's first letter to the ingenious imitator of the imaginary Rowley is not only free from annoyance, but replete with humility and obsequious respect. It is dated from Arlington Street, 1769, and is as follows: SIR, I cannot but think myself singularly obliged by a gentleman with whom I have not the pleasure of being acquainted, when I read your very curious and kind letter, which I have this minute received. I give you a thousand thanks for it, and for the very obliging offer you make me, of communicating your MSS. to me. What you have already sent me is very valuable, and full of information; but instead of correcting you, sir, you are far more able to correct me. I have not the happiness of understanding the Saxon language, and without your learned notes should not have been able to comprehend Rowley's text. As a second edition of my Anecdotes was published but last year, I must not flatter myself that a third will be wanted soon; but I shall be happy to lay up any notices you will be so good as to extract for me, and send me at your leisure; for, as it is uncertain when I may use them, I would by no means borrow and detain your MSS. 'Give me leave to ask you where Rowley's poems are to be found? I should not be sorry to print them; or, at least, a specimen of them, if they have never been printed. The abbot John's verses, that you have given me, are wonderful for their harmony and spirit, though there are some words I do not understand, You do not point out exactly the time when he lived, which I wish to know, as I suppose it was long before John Ab Eyck's discovery of oil-painting. If so, it confirms what I had guessed, and have hinted in my Anecdotes, that oil-painting was known here much earlier than that discovery or revival. I will not trouble you with more questions now, sir; but flatter myself, from the humanity and politeness you have already shewn me, that you will sometimes give me leave to consult you. I hope too you will forgive the simplicity of my direction, as you have favoured me with no other. I am, sir, Your much obliged and obedient humble servant, · P. S. P. S. Be so good as to direct to Mr. Walpole in Arlington street.' Mr. W. continued anxiously to parry every new attack or allusion to the subject, till the year 1792; leaving for publication his whole correspondence with Chatterton and his friends, which fills nearly 40 pages of this volume; more than perhaps will be thought necessary on a subject concerning which there can now be but one opinion. Our noble author does not so well defend the inhospitality of his treatment of the too feeling and capricious Rousseau. It was generally thought, when this singular character arrived in England, that he came to avoid persecution. Mr. Walpole's bitterness and ingenious spite against a man so admired and pitied, as he was among us before half his singularities were known, even by Mr. W. himself, (who was then at Paris with the enemies of the citizen of Geneva,) seemed somewhat cruel; and his contempt of authors and philosophers, himself ambitious of fame in both characters, and imbued with what are called philosophic principles, did not at the time nor does it now impress the public with an idea of a great or good mind :-nor will his admiration of Voltaire, Helvetius, the Baron d'Holbach, and Hume himself, in contradiction to this affected contempt for authors, reflect any bright or beautiful colours on his fame. His cultivation of literature seems sometimes to have had the 'same effect on himself, as on the Scaligers and such bookwights (wrights) as have mistaken the drudgery of their eyes for parts, for abilities-nay, have supposed it bestowed wit, while it only swelled their arrogance, and unchained their illnature.' (See vol. iv. p. 119.)-Mr. W. says, in writing to Hume, p. 261.- My letter hinted my contempt of learned men and their miserable conduct. Since I was to appear in print, I should not have been sorry that that opinion should have appeared at the same time. In truth, there is nothing I hold so cheap as the generality of learned men; and I have often thought, that young men ought to be made scholars, lest they should grow to reverence learned blockheads, and think there is any merit in having read more foolish books than other. folks, which, as there are a thousand nonsensical books for one good one, must be the case of any man who has read much more than other people.'-He adds-Nor can I think but that if Rousseau may attack all governments and all religions, I might attack him.' It may be asked, what government, or what religion, escapes the sarcastic severity of Horace Walpole? You know in England (says he, speaking of authors) we read their works, but seldom or never take any notice of authors. N 4 thors. We think them sufficiently paid if their books sell, and of course leave them to their colleges and obscurity, by which means we are not troubled with their vanity and impertinence.' Surely this is outrageously aristocratic, and must be very offensive to all our friends, the scribes by trade; though, in his humble dedication to the Duke of Richmond, Mr. W. condescends to solicit a place among them. A condemnation of philosophers in the mass, also, while he was himself ever ambitious of being mustered in their corps, certainly disqualifies our author from ranking with true philosophers of the Socratic sect. Hume's reply to Mr. W.'s arrogance, p. 268, is temperate and admirable:- "What new prepossession has seized you to beat in so outrageous a manner your nurses of mount Helicon, and to join the outcry of the ignorant multitude against science and literature? For my part, I can scarce acknowledge any other ground of distinction between one age and another, between one nation and another, than their different progress in learning and the arts. I do not say between one man and another; because the qualities of the heart and temper and natural understanding are the most essential to the personal character; but being, I suppose, almost equal among nations and ages, do not serve to throw a peculiar lustre on any. You blame France for its fond admiration of men of genius: and there may no doubt be, in particular instances, a great ridicule in these affectations but the sentiment in general was equally conspicuous in ancient Greece, in Rome during its flourishing period, in modern Italy, and even perhaps in England about the beginning of this century." We come now to the author's Reminiscences; in which we expected more information and amusement than we have found. Chap. I. Is an eulogy on his father, Sir Robert Walpole. Chap. II. A satire on the House of Hanover. Respecting the story of the Count de Konigsmark's admiration of the Electrice of Hanover, and of his assassination, Mr. W. says that it was hushed up, and Geo. II. entrusted the secret to his wife, Queen Caroline, who told it to my father: but the king was too tender of the honour of his mother to utter it to his mistress; nor did Lady Suffolk ever hear of it till I informed her of it several years afterwards.' He dwells on this very serious business with too much levity. Chap. III. A continuation of the scandalous Court Chronicle. Sir Robert Walpole would not suffer a bill of restriction to pass, which would have restrained the crown from ever adding more than 6 peers to the number limited; wisely recollecting that he and his friends in the House of Commons would be for ever precluded from the House of Lords. The disagreement beween George the First and his son the Prince of Wales, after ward ward Geo. II. is here detailed: as also the quarrel between the same Prince of Wales and the Duke of Newcastle. Chap. IV. Bp. Atterbury's disgrace. Sir Robert's heroism, and escapes from assassination. Revival of the Order of the Bath. Trait of good-humour in Geo. I. on seeing the picture of the Pretender in a German nobleman's collection. Chap. V. Court intrigues on the accession of Geo. II. Mrs. Howard (afterward Lady Suffolk) unable to serve the Tories, or diminish the power of Sir Robert, who was supported by Queen Caroline. Chap. VI. The memory of Geo. I. and Geo. II. attacked by the revival of the old stories of burning wills. Mr. Walpole's vouchers are report, vague rumours, and demands said to have been frequently made by Frederic the late K. of Prussia Chap. VII. The longest and most entertaining of all, though at the expence of the royal master of the author's father, Geo.II. and his son Frederic Prince of Wales. We have here the history of Lady Suffolk from her birth to her decease; and the chapter is filled with little political and amorous intrigues. The character of Queen Caroline, the steady patroness of Sir Robert Walpole, is elaborately and ably drawn; and the colouring is less dark than it usually is in our author's portraits. We shall therefore select this Reminiscence for the entertainment of our readers. Queen Caroline was said to have been very handsome at her marriage, soon after which she had the small-pox; but was little marked by it, and retained a most pleasing countenance. It was full of majesty or mildness as she pleased, and her penetrating eyes expressed whatever she had a mind they should. Her voice too was captivating, and her hands beautifully small, plump and graceful. Her understanding was uncommonly strong; and so was her resolution. From their earliest connection she had determined to govern the king, and deserved to do so; for her submission to his will was unbounded, her sense much superior, and his honour and interest always took place of her own: so that her love of power, that was predominant, was dearly bought, and rarely ill-employed. She was ambitious too of fame; but, shackled by her devotion to the king, she seldom could pursue that object. She wished to be a patroness of learned men: but George had no respect for them or their works; and her majesty's own taste was not very exquisite, nor did he allow her time to cultivate any studies. Her generosity would have displayed itself, for she valued money but as the instrument of her good purposes: but he stinted her alike in almost all her passions; and though she wished for nothing more than to be liberal, she bore the imputation of his avarice, as she did of others of his faults. Often when she had made prudent and proper promises of preferment, and could not persuade the king to comply, she suffered the breach of word to fall on her, rather than reflect on him. Though his affec tion tion and confidence in her were implicit, he lived in dread of being supposed to be governed by her; and that silly parade was extended even to the most private moments of business with my father: whenever he entered, the queen rose, curtsied and retired, or offered to retire. Sometimes the king condescended to bid her stay-on both occasions she and Sir Robert had previously settled the business to be discussed. Sometimes the king would quash the proposal in question and yield after re-talking it over with her-but then he boasted to Sir Robert that he himself had better considered it. One of the queen's delights was the improvement of the garden at Richmond; and the king believed she paid for all with her own money-nor would he ever look at her intended plans, saying, he did not care how she flung away her own revenue. He little suspected the aids Sir Robert furnished to her from the treasury. When she died, she was indebted twenty thousand pounds to the king. Her learning I have said was superficial; her knowledge of languages as little accurate. The king, with a bluff Westphalian accent, spoke English correctly. The queen's chief study was divinity; and she had rather weakened her faith than enlightened it. She was at least not orthodox; and her confidante lady Sundon, an absurb and pompous simpleton, swayed her countenance towards the less-believing clergy. The queen however was so sincere at her death, that when archbishop Potter was to administer the sacrament to her, she declined taking it, very few persons being in the room. When the prelate retired, the courtiers in the anti-room crowded round him, crying, "My lord, has the queen received?" His grace artfully cluded the question, only saying most devoutly, "her majesty was in a heavenly disposition"-and the truth escaped the public. She suffered more unjustly by declining to see her son, the prince of Wales, to whom she sent her blessing and forgiveness-but conceiving the extreme distress it would lay on the king, should he thus be forced to forgive so impenitent a son, or to banish him again if once recalled, she heroically preferred a meritorious husband to a worthless child. The queen's greatest error was too high an opinion of her own address and art: she imagined that all who did not dare to contradict her, were imposed upon; and she had the additional weakness of thinking that she could play off many persons without being discovered. That mistaken humour, and at other times her hazarding very offensive truths, made her many enemics; and her duplicity in fomenting jealousies between the ministers, that each might be more dependent on herself, was no sound wisdom. It was the queen who blew into a flame the ill-bloed between Sir Robert Walpole and his brother-in-law lord Townshend. Yet though she disliked some of the cabinet, she never let her own prejudices disturb the king's affairs, provided the obnoxious paid no court to the mistress. Lord Ilay was the only man, who, by managing Scotland for Sir Robert Walpole, was maintained by him in spite of his attachment to lady Suffolk. The queen's great secret was her own rupture, which till her 1:st illness nobody knew but the king, her German nurse Mrs. Mailborne, 3 |