tion, that it will have more fun-fhine and good humour YOUNG Phaeton, profumptuous boy, hereafter. It was obfervable, the electric matter which influenced this philofophic fpectacle was feen to emit from a large dome in Fofter-place, where the business was firft put in motion for the benefit of the nation; and that all the profeffors cordially joined themselves together, (a very unusual custom with men always debating and dividing) and touched each other's fingers to carry the tpirited effulgence to the prime conductor, which, like a flash of lightning, dazzled the public eyes, and the thunder of applaufe which attended the experiment, like an electrical fhock, must be felt by all thofe who had a hand in disfiguring the Sun, and caufing it to be treated in fuch an ignominious manner by the fons of the earth. A poctafter in the crowd was heard to exclaim, in a paraphrafe from Rochester "By heavens 'twas bravely done, A MAN IN THE MOON. Intelligence Extraordinary. WE are happy to inform the public that Mr. Pitt, with that forefight which diftinguishes him, knowing that the Sun would be burned in Ireland, and fearing that his Majefty's loyal fubjects in this kingdom might be left in utter darkness, has been graciously pleafed to fend over a mouthful of moonshine for our illumination. N. B. The above moonshine to be had gratis at Mr. Grierfon's, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majefty, in Parliament-freet. 2d N. B. Mr. Grierfon does not give his patent Bibles or Prayer Books gratis, but deals in the last mentioned articles for ready money only. His brain by wild ambition turn'd, Kain effort of that feeble hand, To guide the chariot of his fire, GREAT ftate-cook, hight William Pitt;, And here employ'd ('twas as he wish'd it)) JUST arrived in cuftody of the High Sheriff of the county of Monaghan, a number of Gentlemen Clergymen, Tythe-Farmers, Proctors, Prothonatories, Col- TRANSLATION OF THE MOTTO OF THE ledors, Gaugers, and Excifemen, with a numerous. train of well-wishers, who have had themfelves brought up by habeas corpus for the purpofe of fhewing caufe to the people of Ireland why it is incumbent on them to Who fays Billy Pitt is the fire of the Sun 2 SIMON SQUIB. We are happy to inform the public that Lord Cgh, who has looked very pale of late has recovered his complexion, and ever fince Monday laft has appeared Sun-burnt, notwithstanding the feverity of the feafon. SUN. YOUR Sun, you fay, no lies can tell- Your Sun is prov'd to be a liar, it attempts to recommend an Union is founded on the ignorance, the barbarifm, the vices, of the people of Ireland, their pretended dependance on British generofity for existence as a nation, and on their alledged incapacity to fubfift without British protection. And why is it that we do not accede to the force of these arguments? We are told it is because, barbarous and unci THE fever of expectation has at length fubfided-vilized as we are, we reject from PREJUDICE a profer The agitations of fear and hope are at an end-but if I mistake not the feelings which have fucceeded thofe agitations are not lefs fatal to your quiet. The developement of that plot which has been formed against your liberty has fhewn you, indeed, the extent of your danger; but accompanied, as that developement was, with proofs that the danger is yet imminent, you must now more than ever be occupied with the momen-tous and anxious question how it shall be averted? Momentous indeed it is! far too great for one mind to difcufs or decide on. But though it be not for the individual to dictate on a question which feems to belong exclufively to the nation, or rather to that conftitutional organ of the nation's will, which has, on this occafion, fo loudly and faithfully spoken the fenfe of Ireland; yet in this free state, every man not only has a right, at fuch a time as this, but is bound to communicate to his countrymen the impreffions which he feels. I avail my felf of this privilede, then, while yet I may, to ease the throbbings of an heart bursting with the indignant feelings of an Irishman, who fees his country and all the bleffings it contains, his friends, his family, his offfpring, expofed in proftrate weakness to the uplifted dagger of an avowed and perfevering enemy who hears eternal war declared against the conftitution which he has bled to defend, and which juftifies him in the proud boaft of being the free fubject of a free state! Is this the fituation of Ireland at this hour? I refer thofe who doubt, to the infolent and hypocritical preamble with which the British minifter has prefaced the deed of fale which, if we refift not, is to transfer for ever the kingdom of Ireland and its people into the power of the British parliament. I know not what impreffion that fpeech may have made on others, but to me it appears a piece of bafe and black fophiftry, comprehending at once a premeditated infult on the people of this country, and a denunciation of eternal hoftility against its conftitution. How does it infult us? I anfwer, in every way in which a country can be infulted: It calumniates our morals-it derides our intelle&t-it laughs at our weaknefs-it mocks our poverty and it charges the legiflature which governs us, not with venial errors, but with a radical incapacity, from its ignorance and its corruption, to discharge its functions. Every argument by which ed boon! Is it then prejudice to reject a propofal which extinguishes for ever the fovereignty of our country? Is it prejudice to love independence, to uphold a conftitution, which we obtained with difficulty and have defended with our blood? Is it prejudice in Ireland to fpurn the yoke and to refufe unconditional fubmiffion to the legislature of a country, which, when we were fubje& to them, treated us with cruelty, with injuftice, which even now the friends of that country, the advocates of the propofed measure can neither deny, nor justify, nor extenuate, nay, which they do not wish to extenuate, but actually boaft of as the only bond which kept the countries together? But the days of darknefs, it is faid, are paft, and the enlightened policy of Great Britain now perceives that the interefts of the two countries are orie, and that the profperity of Ireland muft encrease the wealth of Britain. How does this appear? Is it proved by the prefent conduct of Great Britain, or by the avowed principles of her policy in this very instance? No, certainly. On the contrary, the explicitly declares that while Ireland retains her feperate independance, the profperity of this country, is a juft caufe of fear and jealoufy in that. For, is not this the principle upon which this project of an Union refts-that in order to make the intercfts of Ireland compatible with those of Britain, Ireland muft forego all diftin&t existence, and fubmit herself and her concerns to the direction of the British legiflature? And why is this neceffary but becaufe, even yet, with all her pretences to liberality, Great Britain fees in Ireland a rival, whofe existence is inconfiftent with her ease and safety? Thus the very propofal of an Union proves the continued exiftence of former prejudices, and involves a declaration of the old principle of hoftility under a new name-The delenda ef Carthago is tranflated by it into plain English, and becomes "Ireland muft unite with Britain or be put down!" But would even an Union fave Ireland from the operation of this destructive principle? To answer this, let us confider what are the evils which the minifter reforts to an Union to correct. The principal of these is "the divifion of fects in the remnant of antient hoftility between the old inhabitants and the fettlers." Now, I ask how can an Union terminate thofe divifions unless by the equal compreffure of flavery upon all parties, For this and the other paffages marked with ("") inverted commas vide Mr. Pitt's speech in the British House of Commons on the 31st of January, as published in the Morning Poft, the manners, and the industry, of the civilizing fate! It was impudent of France to talk of giving liberty to Europe; but let the world judge whether the infolence of the British minifter does not outstrip France when he talks of giving, not liberty, but intellect to a country. But we are to have the British conftitution! I call on every man who wishes well to the connection between the two countries to fay who it is that now endangers that connection-Mr. Pitt, who tells Ireland that the is not free, becaufe her crown is on the head of a British King; or thofe who oppofe an Union, becaufe Ireland already poffeffes the conflitution of England? But granting for a moment that we have it not, and that we enjoy but a mockery of freedom; is it from `Mr. Pitt-is it, I afk, from Britain herself that we are to beg or buy a conftitution? Is liberty exclufively the growth of Britith foil? Does it participate of qualities which, like those of noxious animals, cannot exist in an atmosphere purely Irith, and must we incorporate with England before it will live in our inland? No! countrymen; believe me, liberty and a free constitution may be obtained by any country whofe inhabitants are MEN; and the fecurity and continuance of that liberty depends only upon their own virtue. If you cannot be free without the patronage and protection of Britain, you cannot be free with it :-Your liberty and your conftitution must be felf-exiftent, or they are nothing. You may as well talk of creating fhadow without light or fubftance, as of giving liberty to thofe who want ftrength or virtue to acquire it. The liberty of a ftate is like the ftrength of an individual, both must flow from an inherent principle-both are incommunicable. But how are the Catholics to be affected by an Union? The majority of the "old inhabitants" of Ireland are Catholics, and they have been the merchandize of party for a century back. Let it not be fuppofed that I mean to bribe the Catholic to defend the conftitution of his country against the aggreffion of an infolent affailant; the fervices which are bought in fuch a cafe are worthlefs, for they are infincere and capricious: I call on him but to open his eyes-to view his prefent fituation, and to weigh well the offers which are made to tempt him to betray his truft to his country and his pofterity. What does Mr. Pitt offer to bribe the Catholic? His offer, if it can be called one, is comprehended in this memorable fentence:" If EVER the day comes that the Catholics fhall give proof of their principles, that it is fafe to admit them to every privilege, fuch a measure, in an united parliament, would be free from all those dangers which would threaten Ireland if it were confidered as a feparate and diftinct legiflature." Now I fay that this fentence, framed as it is in the evasive and cunning fpirit which marks the compofition of this dealer in words, is yet fufficiently explicit to prove to any man of common understanding that the Catholic has NOTHING to expect from an Union, which, while it leaves him as he ftood, would involve the rest of the country in hopeless dependance and indelible difgrace, "if ever the day comes the fpeech of the British Minifter, I have not torched on the question now fo common" Is the Union given up? Will the Minifter prefs the meafure ?" If the queftion were afked of me, I would fay to the people of Ireland" It depends on you whether the Minifter will, or will not, prefs an Union" fo far as extrinfic circumftances can affect you, your fubjugation is already complete; the contract for your delivery is already figned, fealed and delivered to the Pritifh parliament; it remains only that the Guinea Merchant who has made it, fhould get poffeffion of you in order to fulfill his bargain." This is not a fanciful allufion; and it is worth obferving, perhaps, that the reafons which are offered to induce you to an Union are exactly thofe by which the trader in human flesh extenuates the barbarous traffic-" HE refcues the hapless African from the turbulence, the blood, the barbarity, the ignorance, which made his freedom a curfe-and he confers on him all the bleflings of tran quil, civilized, industrious SLAVERY!" He reftrains his turbulence, but it is by fetters! He teaches him morality, but it is with fuipes! He inculcates chriftianity, but it is by the driver's whip! The British Minifter tco, offers to tranquillize, to inftru&, to civilize Ireland; but the price of tuition must be her liberty! Let us take care that if we give up freedom for British morals, and independence for her civilization, Irishmen will not be taught by the fame procefs! that the Catholics fhall give proof of their principles!" It is evident then that the probation of a century has not proved to Mr Pitt that the Catholics may be admitted to every privilege-When then will he be fatisfied? At the end of another century, fhould he, or fuch a minifter, then exift? it is doubtful whether he who has thought a trial of one century infufficient, would be convinced at the end of another; but it is not doubtful that an advantage fo remote, even if it were certain, can but little influence the actions of the prefent generation; and the catholics, I conceive, will not be much inclined to confide in the future policy of that man who declares that at prefent he does not think it SAFE to trust them. I conclude then, that from Mr. Pitt, fhould he fucceed in his plan of fubjugating the country, the Catholic has nothing to hope. What does he fee on the other fide? At prefent he is excluded, certainly, from fome of the privileges of the conftitution; but it cannot efcape his attention that he is in progreffion toward a full enjoyment of all its benefits. It is yet little more than twenty years fince he began his career from a point which, happily, is very remote indeed from that at which he now ftands: His progrefs, for fome years, was flow; but as he advanced, his velocity encreafed, and has continued to encreafe with rapid acceleration till the prefent hour, when the goal appears not only within view, but almoft within his reach. Do I promife him that he fhall reach it? No it is not mine to promife-that is an event which, like the effect of a phyfical caufe, depends not on the will of the individual, but on the immutable laws which govern the moral world-for it is not to the fpirit of Catholic claims-to the management of the Cathelic body-nor to the liberality and conceffions of the Proteftant that I attribute his elevation to the rank of freeman which he now holds. I confider it as the natural and neceffary effect of a wife, temperate and loyal conduct on his part, and the expanding energy of our free conftitution on the other. While he, then, continues to act with wisdom, temperance and loyalty, and while we continue to poffefs a free conftitution, thofe caufes will continue to produce the fame effects, and muft, eventually, raise him to that highest point in the fcale of freedom for which his virtue fhall have fitted him. But let him start afide from the honourable courfe he has hitherto purfued; let him for the bafe bribe which an infidious minifter holds up to his view, but DOES NOT promife him-let him for this become a deadly inftrument in the hands of that minifter to flab the conftitution of his native land; he will find himself fhorn of his ftrength, and inftead of being raised to the dignity which he courted, will be funk to that loweft ftate of human degradation-that of a difappointed traitor; laughed at by the knave who duped him, and execrated by all mankind! He will learn, when too late, that perfonal freedom cannot be obtained by felling the liberties of his country! In offering to my countrymen thefe few thoughts on But if the Minifter be refolved to carry an Union, can we prevent him? Ifay, YES. Yet I allow the tafk may be difficult. The fituation in which we ftand, is, no doubt, moft arduous-it calls for inceffant vigilance, and indefatigable activity. But I have no doubt that if we fet about the work, we are fully equal to it. The people of Ireland know not their own force, if they doubt it. In the moral, as well as the natural world, there exift powers of indefinite force, in fubjects apparently feeble-and which, want but to be concentered, to be irrefiftible-A drop of water, reduced to team, and properly confined and directed, may burft a rock. One principle fairly urged, may overfet a Minister, tho' fortified by all the patronage of an empire, and difencumbered of all the clogs of honefty and honour. But what is that principle which must be inculcated to fave Ireland? It is this, "That national liberty and independence are the only true fources of found morals, of civilization, of wealth, of ftrength, and of commerce-that liberty and independence, are the conftitu. tion of Ireland; and that the people of Ireland, (I mean its property, not its population) are its guardians." I fhall not now enter into a detail of thofe measures, which, as guardians of their conftitution, I think they ought to take at this momentous crifis-happily, the integrity, the fpirit of its reprefentatives, have made it the lefs neceffary. I fhall, therefore, only fuggeft to them that they acquired that conftitution by boldly fpeaking out, and that by the fame explicit declaration of their fenfe, by the manly, bold avowal that they are determined to maintain the independence they have afferted, they will preferve it! Such a declaration, the British Minif ter, rafh and prefumptuous as he is, will not dare to controvert. Should, however, that measure fail, the means of Ireland are not yet exhausted-other modes will occur, by which a legal resistance may be made to a project that endangers the connection of the empire. But fhould even these remedies fail also, I am told there remains yet ANOTHER-one deeply hidden in the bofom of the conftitution; and which is to be revealed but with its expiring breath! It is not for ME to disclose it! Young Billy much rejoic'd to fee To work, then flyly Billy went, Well skill'd in prostitution, To bribe the Irish Parliament, To fell their Conftitution. The bafest means of ev'ry kind, Were used by this projector, But one apoftate could he find, A hearth-money collector. Let's ftigmatize with mark'd contempt, And scorn the fordid knave, fir, Whom private int'reft thus could tempt, His country to enflave, fir. Our liberties we will maintain, 'Gainft Traitors and Defpotism, Our kingdom we'll defend, fir, And henceforth all domeftic fchifm, For ever let us end, fir. In one great cause let all unite, In bumpers all diftin&tions drown, And may fhe ever boast them. Great Britain ftill we'll freely ferve, And still support connection, But independence we'll preferve, For an Union is fubjection. |