PRICE 2D.

ADVICE

ΤΟ

YOUNG MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

As

No. XVIII.

he is expected to perform along with his friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the great delight of all fpectators.

When you have taken the oaths, and are completely inftalled in your office, do not look around like a booby, as if at a lofs where to place yourself. Nothing gives a meaner opinion of a man's understanding, than a wavering, undecided conduct. Determine, therefore, determination. By thus evincing that you come into at once; and having done fo, invariably adhere to that have already made up your mind upon every fubject Parliament to act, and not to deliberate, and that you which can by poffibility arife, you will convince the world of the great range of your understanding, and fe-cure yourself from all imputation of improper motives, In point of accommodation, there is little difference bewhich occafionally changing fides might give rife to. always the most worthy, the Bench on the right of the tween the fides of the Houfe. The right hand being chair, is, (if you look for honors) the most honorable. Beides it is proboble you will be lefs crowded there. It is true, this will bring you into contact with his Majefty's Ministers, who generally fit on that Bench; this, however, when fairly confidered, is not fo great an ob-jection, as might at first appear; for tho' it is an old and a true faying, "if you handle dirt you will foil. your fingers," yet ftill they are his Majefty's confidential fervants, and "love me, love my dog," (to fay nothing of the bone which that dog has in his mouth) a fay-ing no lefs cftimable.

On your first introduction, it will be neceffary to bow to the chair. As manner often fupplies the place of matter, this ought to be done with a grace. It will be the more neceffary, as no doubt you are difpofed to follow Sir Archy Mac Sarcafm's excellent advice, "fill to keep bowing," and "never to ftand upright in the prefence of a great man." It will be proper, therefore, to take fome leffons from a dancing mafter; efpecially if you have never learnt before. Not that I fhould wifh you to study the fcience profoundly. As far as it will be ufeful to you in your prefent fituation, you will acquire it by degrees; the attendance, for instance, which you will dance at the Caftle, must be done in a fink pace, which you will naturally fall into; and as to the common movements of crofs ver, change fides, &c. you will have an opportunity of feeing thefe done with aftonishing celerity and eafe, (not to trench upon the merits of any other profeffor) by one of the first masters. Should you be an admirer of French fteps, the Secretary will foon teach you a few. He lately aftonished every body by his contretems, and he will fhortly, it is expected, thew you a chaffé, in an elegant pas de deux, which

the world by your manner, that you always bear in mind Both in and out of the Houfe, be careful to convince the high fituatiou you fill-that you are aware of the great purpofe for which you were appointed--that you and that you are fully fenfible of the particular reafons can account for the neceffity of fuch an appointment why you, of all others, fhould be pitched on for the im portant office-evince your confcioufnefs, therefore, that you are a member of the-higheft affembly in the nation that you are appointed not only to act, but to think, for the people-that the neceflity of fuch an appointment arifes from the utter incapacity of the people. to act or think for themselves-and that you were chofen, becaufe in you are concentered all the talents, wifdom, and virtue, of the diftrict you profefs to reprefent. careful on all occafions to manifeft the high fenfe you pofing air of fublimity this will give to your whole de-. have of your own intellectual powers-befides the im-. meanour, it will pay a flattering compliment to thofe, fincere opinion, they difplayed great good fenfe and difwho appointed you, by convincing them that in your crimination in the choice.

Be

Never take advice, efpecially from thofe who, in vulgar language, are called your conflituents; not even where their individual interefts are exclufively concerned, or where the fubje& fails peculiarly within their knowledge. To receive advice, is to acknowledge that you can poffibly stand in need of inftruction, and that there is fome information which you are yet to acquire, Nothing can be more derogatory from your dignity than this, even where you cannot be expected to know much; and indeed the lefs you are expected to know, the higher opinion will be entertained of the knowledge you poffefs, which will then be looked upon as intuitive-befides, nothing evinces a man's fpirit more than his acting in direct oppofition to the line of his duty, especially when that duty is fuggefted by thofe who may claim a right to advife.

The power of parliament has, within these few days, become almoft proverbial-all things are, at prefent, poffible to it; you must therefore ftoutly maintain the omnipotence of parliament on all proper occafions-1 fay on all proper occafions, for it is a two-edged weapon, which requires to be handled with dexterity-and here I must caution you against falling into a mistake natural to young men without a knowledge of the world. The omnipotence," the "wifdom," the "virtue," the independence," and fuch like of parliament, are not to be received by you abfolutely, and without qualification; on the contrary, as a late learned judge once obferved, when endeavouring to reconcile a fuitor in his court to the names" rogue, rafcal and knave," which had been liberally dealt out to him by counfel on the oppofite fide: "Thefe terms are only to be underftood fecundam fubjectam materiam:" For inftance, fhould any measure of reform be introduced, fuch as a bill for excluding revenue officers from parliament, deny the competency of parliament to make laws which would exclude any particular individuals from the Houfe of Commons, and partially disfranchife their conftituents, by fettering that choice which ought to be free; maintain too, on fuch occafions, the great virtue, the proud fpirit, the exalted fenfe of independence of parliament, which render fuch a measure unneceffary; exprefs your deteftation of that man who would dare with facrilegious hands to touch a flone of that venera. ble pile, under whofe fhelter "this nation has experienced unexampled profperity," and that too at a feafon when the best conftructed governments in Europe have fallen before the fury of a hurricane; but fhould it be attempted not partially, but locally, to disfranchife the electors of Ireland, not merely to fetter their choice, but to deprive them of all choice; not to reform the parliament, but to extinguifh it for ever; not to modify the legislature, but to furrender the legiflation to the crown, or to transfer it to a foreign nation, and this not merely without the affent, but against the will of the people; then maintain the omnipotence of parliament in all its plenitude, villify its patt conduct, blazon its corruption, and laugh at its independence; and whilft you

maintain the incapacity of the nation to manage its own internal concerns, infit on the prudence and propriety of transferring the right to ftrangers, who, being indifferent to its interefts, can difcufs them with more coolnefs, nor dread the imputation of inconfiftency in maintaining that that affembly which is inadequate to the common purpofes of internal regulation, is competent to determine the greateft of all poffible imperial questions; or that that body which is fo dependant and fo corrupt as to render it impudent and unfafe to intruft it with the power of legiflating for Ireland, should yet be invefted with the right to transfer that power to others, and intrusted to adjust the terms of the transfer with that nation on which it is fo dependent, and by which it has been fo corrupted. Thefe little inconfiftencies are among thofe eccentricities of mind which diftinguifh the man of genius from the practical plodder, who never fees an object without noting all its bearings and diftances.

Should you be of the profeffion of the Bar, you will not want frequent opportunities of diftinguishing yourfelf, at no period did great conftitutional queftions occur fo frequently, and on thofe you will be expected and prepared to speak-the more repugnant the fide you maintain is to common vulgar ideas of liberty, or the conftitution, the finer field will you have for the exercife of your ingenuity; and whatever effects your eloquence may have on others, it will, at leaft, convince your party that you will go any length to ferve them; for which, no doubt, the will fhew their gratitude. Be fure on thefe occafions always to begin your specch by faying fomething of yourfelf, it is a fubject in which the world must be deeply interested-defcribe your fituation in life as independent-affert the utmost purity of motives, and profefs to fpeak the honeft dictates of an unbiaffed confcience; this will convince your party that you have prudence enough to keep their fecret and your own. Should your paft conduct, or prefent fituation be fuch that ordinary affertions of independence will not be attended to, I have no obje&ion to an appeal to heaven, provided it be made in a folemn and imprefive manner. Thefe little rhetorical flourishes are very allowable, and have often a pretty effect in a fpecch which would otherwife contain nothing to excite or keep up attention, and therefore they ought to be introduced when the yawning of thofe about you, or the coughing on the other fide, proclaim ênnui, or disgust.

When any measure is attempted by your party, deftructive of the rights of the people, endeavour to find a precedent for it, in the proceedings either of our own, or of fome foreign parliament-no matter if you fhould have to go fo far back as the reign of Edward 3. in fearch of it. There is nothing fo confolatory to a fuffering mind as the reflections that others have fuffered before by the fame means, and as the parliaments of this and the neighbouring kingdoms have paffed through every intermediate stage between the most abject fervili

ty, and their prefent plenitude of power, it cannot be difficult to find fuch a precedent in favour of any meafure. If, for inftance, a legiflative incorporation of the two kingdoms fhould be before the houfe, the Scotch Union in 1707 presents an example worthy to be followed by an Irish parliament in 1799. Let not the differénce in the conftitutions of the two kingdoms fhock, as it might, your understanding: a parliament is a parliament all the world over, no matter how conftituted or of whom compofed, nor let the time, the place, the fituation of the country, or any fuch tring circumstance, induce you to withhold fo excellent a precedent. "Expedient" and "prudent" are abftract terms, which have no relation to exifting circumstances, and therefore, what is expedient and precedent at one time, in one place, or in one fituation, muit be fo in all. Neither let the manner in which the Scotch Union was affected, viz. by fraud and force, weigh with you the precedent may not be the lefs in point on that account. To this you may add the authority of great conftitutional writers: I muft caution you, however, that this is dangerous ground to go on, for unlefs they are garbled with judgment, they may make against you. Sir Wm. Blackftone has been often quoted, and with prudent managment may be made fomething of; for inftance, when in vol. 1ft, page 162, he fays," So long as the conftitution "So lafts we may venture to affirm that the power of parliament is abfolute and without controul." You have only to omit the words, "fo long as the conftitution lafts," which could feem to infinuate that the power of parliament muft determine with the conftitution on which it depends, and reject the words "we may venture to affirm," which, imply a doubt, and then you will have the fentence thus-" the power of parliament is abfolute and without controul," which will completely ferve your purpose. Some I know may be inclined to adduce as an authority the revolution in 1688, but I am utterly against the moft diftant allufion to that great event. In the first place, the word "revolution" would fhock loyal minds, and then it would be argued, (for there are always men inclined to put every thing in the worst light) that if you admit that to have been a revolution which did not alter the conftitution in a single tittle, but merely changed the perfon exercising one of the branches of it, by what name will you call an act which caufes the total deftruction of the other two? Befides James was dethroned for" having endeavoured to fubvert the conflitution by breaking the original contract" made with the people. He was depofed by the nation-for after he had abdicated the government, there was then no parliament and therefore, Sir Wm. Blackstone fays, vol. 1ft, page 211, that it was the act of the nation alone," for, fays he, page 212, "whenever a queftion arifes between the fociety at large, and any magistrate vefted with powers originally delegated by that fociety, it must be decided by the fociety itself." Add to this, that many might be induced to look into the English commons' journals about that time, in which the principles of Locke are

made the foundation of their proceedings; principles which they might be difpofed to think were exprefsly confined by the act of fettlement, and of which they might confider every act of parliament made since as containing a virtual recognition. I would, therefore, by all means, have you to avoid fo dangerous a fubje&t with refpect to arguments drawn from the conduct of individuals, I do not think much of them. People feem tired of hearing of Lord Somers both in and out of the houfe; they are not inclined to pin their political faith on any one man's feeve; and am I much afraid they do not fee the analogy as clearly as they ought, between an English man endeavouring to exalt his own country, and an Irishman contriving to debafe his. Befides this would introduce a fpirit of argument, which may prove by no means favourable, viz. the inferring the nature of the act from the character of the a&tor; and therefore, when it is afked, "would Lord Somers have prepared the articles of Union if he had not thought it a conftitutional act?" The oppofite party may afk, "would Pitt have the Union with Ireland fo much at heart if he did not think it would contribute to his own aggrandizement, and open a fource of revenue-would the English nation defire it if they did not think they would gain by the change?" But there is one line of argument which I recommend, as it has never been taken yet: many have adopted old prejudices which they have not yet been able to get rid of, fuch as, that parliament is an emanation from the people that its power is a mere delegated truft, which it must exercife upon the terms on which it was given, and for the benefit of thofe by whom, and for whom it was fo given-that to give parliament á right of deftroying any branch of the conftitution, a right which it denies to the people themfelves, is to render the creature more powerful than the creator. Now, as they are in general very good fort of people who entertain thefe abfurd notions, and whofe feelings one would not wish to revolt; when these things are advanced, do not directly contradict them, but argue from them in favour of the fide you fupport; thus, when it is faid, that by destroying parliament you extinguish Ireland as a nation': It is admitted that Ireland owes its exiftence as a nation to parliament, and therefore it follows neceffarily that parliament creates the nation, and not the nation parliament; otherwife when parliament had abdicated its functions, there would be nothing to prevent the nation, if it furvived, from chufing another parliament. Keep this ftone in your fleeve for them until the queftion is again ftarted. Not a word, Sir Boyle Roche has not yet got hold of it.

Another rule which I would lay down for your conduct is one which, perhaps, you may feel fome difficulty in prevailing on yourfelf to follow, but which I have always looked upon in fo important a point of view, that I cannot help thinking it ought to be the governing principle of a young member of parliament→→→ whatever you may be offered as a return for your pait, or earnest for your future fupport, do not refufe it; it

will convince the world that you are thought of confequence enough to be worth gaining over, and that you are poffeffed of virtue enough not to act the knave without temptation. If you are offered money therefore, pocket it and fay no more. If a place, be it ever fo fmall, do not reject it; the name of a placeman gives confequence with the vulgar; befides it is ftill a step; and fhould you at any time with for fomething higher, you will be fure to find fome nobleman who withes to provide for a fuperannuated fervant, or poor relation, and who will affitt in giving you a fhove

for his own fake.

Attach yourself to fome great man; praife him in all companies; and if he is attacked, feem to look upon yourfelf as his liege-man, bound by tenure to defend him against his enemies; this will not fail to come to his ears. In the houfe take every opportunity of fpeaking to him; the people in the gallery will remark this intimacy, and will conclude, when he is making fome obfervation on the weather, that he is confulting you about the bufinefs of the day; this will not fail to raise you in their estimation. When your patron fpeaks, be fure to cry "hear"-whenever you obferve from his manner that he thinks he is faying. a good thing; this will have a double effect; it will at once flatter his vanity, and prevent the other fide from hearing, and of courfe from anfwering what has been faid. Should he at any time falter, or be at a lofs for a word, be particularly vociferous; this will give him time to recollect himself, and must be wonderfully gratifying, as it will convince him you are difpofed to give him credit for a good thing before he utters it. Your parliamentary bottle-holders are of infinite ufe. Shouldyour patron or indeed any other very great man, afk you to

dine, be fure not to refuse, but give up every other engage

ment; you will be amply repaid for the confcious inferiority you will feel there by the fuperior confequence it will give you with your equals. When in company with the latter talk of Lord C—, Lord B, as if they were your most intimate companions; and when repeating any thing which you may have overheard one great man fay to another, take care to let it be thought that it was particularly addreffed to you. If any intended measure of government is talked of, of which you know nothing but from the newspapers, look wife and myfterious obferve that "the accounts in circulation are very erroneous"-that "the thing is not generally known"-that it is merely whifpered at the castle." And if another ventures to talk on the fubject smile at him contemptuously, and fhrug your fhoulders; by thefe means you will get credit for all the knowledge of

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a cabinet counsellor.

There are many other rules which I could lay down for your conduct, but thefe are enough for the prefent. By following them implicitly, I have little doubt of your being able to raife yourself in time to that proud fituation which I now enjoy that of

AN OLD HACK.

REVIEW

EVIEW of pictures in the exhibition lately opened in College-green.

a

No. I. St. George fighting St. Patrick-This is good painting; the figure of St, Patrick highly fpirited, but the attitude of St. George not perfe&ly correct. The drapery and armour ridiculously modern, and the coftume abfurdly violated; fo that St. George has nothing of the champion about him, but the name; the painter has feized the point of time when St. Patrick has had the beft of it, and his adverfary has retired to prime.

No. II. Two groupes, (each 105) vying to get over a Trench which lies between them. A figure strongly refembling R. Ad-ll, Efq; appears to have just accomplished it by a bounce.

No. III. A portrait of Lord Caftlereagh mourning over the lofs of a friend who was convinced in the late debate. He holds in his hand a fatire of Horace, fet to mufic, Hoc erat in votis; and appears to fing it to a plaintive air. A tranflation lies on the floor beginning thus-Shepherds I have loft a vote.

No. IV. A groupe of Dutch merchants at Japan, purchafing commercial privileges, by trampling upon the cross.

1

SLAVE TRADE.

O be fold one hundred and four Negroes, perfectly qualified for any fervile work. They are of a very fine colour, being jet black from head to foot, as has been pronounced on a late infpection. As they are, however, unfound in conftitution, they will be fold cheap. Application to be made to their Mafter, at Downing-street, or to the Driver, at the corner of the Upper Cattle Yard.

N. B. It is expected that they may thrive when removed to any foreign ifland, as they are obferved to have had no attachment to their native country, and therefore it is not to be apprehended that they will pine away after it, as African Slaves do ufually.