tion is, no doubt, good; though your judgment is erroneous; you have stepped forward the first among your countrymen, to raife an outcry against the projected Union, and to excite a conftitutional refiftance to a measure, which you think difhonourable and ruinous to your country. But I fay that if you faw our fituation aright, and were friends to the real independence and honor of Ireland, you would, with all your might, promote this Union; Why do I think fo? I anfwer boldly, because I think that an Union is the only event, which, perhaps for a century to come, can furnish means to the real friends of the country, to throw off for ever, the British Connexion. To men of your known principles, men who appear seriously to believe that the welfare of Ireland depends on perpetuating the prefent connexion between the two countries, this may feem a ftrange argument; but, Gentlemen, give me leave to tell you, that these principles appear likely, in a very little time, to become antiquated. The prefent attempt of the British Minister, muft have fhaken them, and I am convinced there is not a thinking mind in Ireland, who perceives that the existing connection of the two crowns, is regarded by the British Cabinet only as an inftrument for bringing about another connexion, namely, that which is now about to be forced down your throats, and which must bury for ever, the name, the rights, and the conftitution of Ireland; I fay there is not a thinking mind in Ireland who perceives this, that does not feel his zeal for British Connexion, glow lefs ardently. I know that as things go on, that zeal will be extinguished in every bofom in Ireland, and that it will be followed by a determination to rescue the country for ever, from the gripe of British domination. The question then is, whether an Union will tend to accelerate that event? I contend that it will-that it must do fo of neceffary confequence, and my opinion refts upon this argument: It appears by the experience of this fummer, that the whole force of the ftate, animated by the loyalty of most of the men of property in Ireland, prompted by the inveterate animofity of religious bigotry, guided by a refident viceroy, and council of acknowledged talents, and invigorated by the cheering prefence of a refident legislature, it appears, I fay, that with all these advantages, the force of Ireland, feconded by the auxiliary force of Great Britain, was for fome time only able to maintain a doubtful conteft with our fociety, though our councils were difcovered, our leaders imprifoned, our allies not yet arrived, our people untried in arms, and aftonished by the wife, decifive and able measures of the govern ment. Thus much we were able to effe&t even at that time; it is true, indeed, that at prefent our power is breken, our allies defeated, our plans and principles detected and expofed, and cur force put down, after a fair trial of strength-it is true therefore, that we can no longer hope to rife while things remain in their prefent ftate-but let an Union be once carried against the will of the loyal part of the community, how different will be our fituation! No man can doubt that the first confequence of that measure will be to add immenfe numbers to our party, and you will be fure we will not neglect to take advantage of this new ground of difcontent. We have hated the Orange-men; but we are not fuch fools as to reject their affiftance, when they fhall have been convinced of their mistake by this wanton and infolent attack of the British cabinet-our force, therefore, will be greatly encreased; add to this, that many of those noblemen and men of great property, whofe influence in the late conteft raised up an hoft against us, will, in that event, either be fent to Lon- don as Irish reprefentatives, or they will go thither to court preferment or pleasure. In thefe, therefore, we hall have our most dangerous enemies removed: But befides this, there will no longer remain a formidable adminiftration, confifting of able and vigilant ministers to watch our movements-there will exift no longer a legislature to guard by wife and timely measures against the operations of our executive. Magiftrates, resident five or fix hundred miles from the feat of government, will naturally be lefs active and bold in discharge of their duty than when they were under the eye of a government that would encourage and reward their activity. If there be men in this country who have really the fpirit of independent men, they will feel inert and disgusted in their new character of Provincials. New taxes, a neceffary confequence of an Union, will furnith us with a new handle to play on the feelings of the populace. In fhort, every circumftance by which an Union can be accompanied will add to our strength, and diminish that of the oppofite party; what then may we not hope from one bold effort, fuch as we lately made? What will remain to prevent the fuccefs of one great essay to liberate our country? Our country, then a DEPENDANT PROVINCE! TREASON will, in the eye of many who now loath it, lofe its turpitude-REBELLI ON will become a word expreffive of moral virtue-and the now detefted name of UNITED IRISHMAN will be underftood to fignify a fuffering helot struggling for his 'freedom! Gentlemen, I communicate thefe fentiments to you as to men, who I conceive are acting wrong from the beft motives. You are oppofing that which tends immediately to the emancipation of your country, under the falfe notion that you are contending for its independance. Defift, if you are wife, from fo fottifh a conduct. Look beyond the prefent moment, and behold this ifland rifing into felf-dependent, unconnected dignity, from a LEGISLATIVE UNION of the two countries! I am, Gentlemen, Your real friend, A COMMITTEE MAN. TO THE SOCIETY WHO THE WOLF AND THE LAMB. A FABLE. CONDUCT THE ANTI-UNION. GENTLEMEN, your your You have fet out with profeffing to oppofe an Union, and you have now published feveral numbers, in which you have given fome very good arguments, no doubt, against that abominable meafure; but you seem to me to be too cool, too abstract, too philofophical, in your difcuffion. In my mind you are very infipid milk and water gentlemen. You talk of this measure as you would of a difficult point of law, or of philofophy, in which your head only, not your heart, your intereft, your affections, your family, your pofterity, were concerned! My heart burns with indignation, my blood boils, my head becomes giddy when I think of it! and reading your paper does not tend to appeafe my feelings; for I tell you again you feem to me a fet of cold, infenfible, frogblooded fellows. Have you been in Ireland for thefe laft feven months, or are you dropped from the clouds with nothing but intellect about you? Are you yeomen? Have you been called from your warm habitations, from the bofom of your wife, the embraces of your children, to undergo all the fatigues and all the dangers of war to fave our constitution? Have you drawn fword against your countrymen, and bathed it in his blood, because he attempted to change that conftitution? Have you loft your health and diminished fortune in order to keep your oath, and defend to the utmost of your power the King, Lords, and Commons, of Ireland? And after all this, can you, when you are told that all you have been fighting for was a corrupt and defpicable fet of fellows who have fold their country, and have always done fo, to the British minifter-that the conftitution which you have bled for was not worth a groat; and that your parliament, which you were taught to love and honor, muft die an infamous death? Can you, I fay, after all this,reafon coldly and abstractedly upon this fubject? why dont you freak out and tell the infolent fellows who talk in this manner, that the loyal Yeomanry of Ireland, the Orange-men, who have refifted rebellion, put down treafon, and defended their country and its conftitution, will not be infulted with impunity ! that if they have been made to draw their fword against their deluded countrymen, they will not be backward to draw it againsthave not patience to think on this fubject-I love my King, God bless him: I am a friend to England, and I am perhaps a bigot in my love for the conftitution I have lived under;-but am I then to be made a tool of to serve Mr. Pitt's purposes? God grant me patience! Pray, pray let me fee fomething fpirited on this fubject from you, who pretend to diflike this foul measure as well as I, or I fhall begin to think that there are none but knaves and fools in the world. I am, Gentlemen, But I An injured, infulted, ORANGE YEOMAN. Fabula Narratur. IN days of yore, as tales agree, -De te When beafts could fpeak like you and me, Long reign'd the terror of the wood, A WOLF, inur'd to war and blood: So fierce the favage, one would think Contention was his meat and drinkNay fome would take their bible oath, He lov'd it better far than both. Whate'er the ftrife, for bit or bone, He long'd to make the cause his own: With head ftrong rage the furly brute Provoked and manag'd each difpute; Though oft he smarted in his hide For joining the unlucky fide. The Pitcher, antient proverbs tell, That goes too often to the well, Through many a dayly peril past, Comes home a veffel crack'd at last And fuch in truth was IS GRIM's fate, For on he dash'd at such a rate, And grew with bites and blows fo thin, His bones ftood starting through the skin; Unable longer now to roam,. And forc'd to cater nearer home. On a fair fleck of fheep hard by, The fpoiler turn'd a wifhful eye. Long time he toil'd, and cast about To introduce his forward fnout; For that once compaffed, well he knew He foon might squeeze his body through: By fraud he trufted to prevail For fraud fucceeds, where force fhall fail; "Madam," smooth speaking to the dam, I come to warn you of your danger; HOR. Thus fav'd by me from death and ruin," Why dread the hug of MONSIEUR BRUIN? For once with me the forms alliance, Our UNION bids the Bear defiance; And while I guard her from the ftorm, Her fleece fhall keep my carcafe warm. Behold her manners rude and wild!I'll teach politeness to the child; And when united with her betters, Like Chesterfield, I'll write her letters; So under ISGRIM's education, Of me fhe'll learn civilization. Pray let me lead the lady hence; My lawyers fhall make fettlements, In full and binding force upon her; All this I promife on my honor, For me and for mine heirs for ever, And nought our UNION fhall diffever." The fubtle favage fpake: his cunning Soon fet the mother's head a running, Who puff'd with pride, began to fcorn The fphere to which her child was born :"Come, come," she cried, "good girl confider, And take at once fo high a bidder : Cheer up, and show no bashful face, But caft a sheep's eye at his grace: Reject not this fair UNION pray, Such offers come not every day." Perfuaded 'gainst her own opinion, Poor LAMB fubmits to WOLF's dominion; See, o'er the ditch his bride he leads, He cries, "what's here?-No dinner dreft? "Wreak not on me thy wrath," replied That you had nought to day to dine.” "Silence !" the favage growl'd; "nor dare Shall that smooth fleece and pamper'd fide,. I'll never go without my dinner. If you don't bear the brunt, who muft ? The Sheep, who from the neighb'ring mead, As now her forrow came too late," With fruitless tears my child I mourn! OH YE, WHOM CRAFT IMPELS TO SEEK, LOST, OLD TELL TRUTH. FOR fome time paft, by a certain young Nobleman, either in the Caftle or in the Parliament Houfe, a very fmall fenfe of decency, which would be of no importance to the owner but that it was all he poffeffed in that way, and the want of it may injure him very materially with his patron. It was hoped to have been only aftray until the motion for the committal of the regency bill demonftrated its being totally gone, and it is now known that the owner let it flip from between the most confummate vanity and the worst intentions. with which it was packed up, but which still remain with him. Should any one attempt to use it, he may be certain that he fhall be profecuted with the utmost rigour of the Attorney General's new act. If offered for fale or pawn, it is requested notice may be fent to the Secretary's office. umphantly dwelt on as a proof that a fituation might again occur, as it had already occurred, in which the exercife of complete legislative independence by the irish parliament might tend to a feparation of the two countries That inftance was the regency queftion. If the Irish parliament, it was faid, continues to be a separate and independent legislature, it will always poffefs a right to differ from the British legiflature in the appointment THE duplicity of the minifter and the fallacy of mi- of a regent; and if it should differ from it in that inftance nifterial arguments for an Union become every day more manifelt. Time brings faithood as well as truth to light, and perhaps detects political fophiftry with more effect than the most acute fagacity. Generally, however, the operation of time in the detection of falfehood is flow, and its effects perceptible only after long intervals; but either from the fhallowness of the minifter's artifice, or from the remarkable prominency of truth on this great question, he has been able to fink it but juft below the furface-it has accordingly emerged into full view when the force which depreffed it was removed: and, what has feldom been witneffed in the history of our legiflature, the very fame feffion in which a momentous measure was urged as of vital and indifpenfible neceffity, has feen the duplicity of the propounder of that measure, and the arguments by which it was fupported, expofed and refuted by fubfequent events. To be explicit I boldly and in terms charge the young man, to whom the adminiftration of this country is committed, with having falfified his own profeffions, with having refuted his own arguments for a legislative union, and with having involuntarily proved to the peo ple of Ireland, that the meafure which he attempted to fteal upon the country, and which he is now preparing to propofe again to its legislature, has been adopted by that deputy minifter, and his mafter, with other views than thofe they have avowed, namely, the ftrengthening of the connexion between the two countries, the reftoration of tranquillity, the advancement of civilization, and the improvement of the conflitution of this country. I thall prove this charge in a very fimple and I conceive a very fatisfactory way, by comparing the doctrines which he inculcated in recommending a legiflative Union with the meafures which he has curried, and the conduct which he has held fince the rejection of that project. It cannot yet be forgotten even by the young man himself, and certainly not by the public, that the principal argument by which he endeavoured to fupport an Union, was the uncertainty of the bond which at prefent unit s the two countries. In illustration of the danger which was fuppofd to exift from this caufe one inftance only could be found, and it was tri there would be a temporary feparation, leading perhaps to a perpetual feparation of the executives of the two countries. To obviate this danger the young Lord propofed a furrender of the dictinet independence of the ifh legiflature, not in that cafe only the only practical cafe which had ever occurred but a total furrender of its distinct existence. Now if the young Lord did feriously believe that a danger of feparation was connected with, the exercife of diatina independence by the Irish parliament in this inftance, he would be zealous to fupport a measure which went directly to remove that danger for ever by furrendering the right to that exercife; and if his fears of that danger were fo gigantic as to incline him to obviate it by a total abolition of a dictin&t Irish legislature, he must be so much the more zealous to fupport a measure which went to effect the fafety of the connexion by a lefs dangerous facrifice. Has the youngLord acted on this principle? The difmiffed Prime Serjeant, willing to prove himself as faithful a friend as the young Lord to the unity of the empire, though a much more fteady friend to the independence of his country, brings in a bill by which the queftion of right to appoint a regent different, or under a different limitation, from that appointed by the British parliament, would be put at reft for ever, an! the fafety of the connexion in this particular rendered coufiftent with the diftin& exiftence of Irish parliament. Does the young Lord relish this meafure of hon: it loyalty to connexion and constitution? In the first inflance, he affents in fullen filence to its introduction, and not having ingenuity enough to fuggeftany thing in derogation of the meafure when firft propofed, he avails himfelf of the time given by the forms of parliament in order to create objections to the measure itself, to cavil with the motives which fuggefted it, or the effects which it would produce. And what are the objections which he has fabricated or gleaned from his followers? They amount virtually to this-that it is a violent encroachment on the legislative independence of the country— that it is of infinite delicacy, intricacy, and importancethat it requires therefore much time and attention to mold properly and above all, that the difficulty of its arrangement proves incontrovertibly the hazard ous tate in which the connexion ftands. Now, let the good people of Ireland confider what confidence they can place in the integrity of that man, who has the boldnefs to press them, at one time to give up their liberty and independence for the attainment of a particular purpofe, and when that purpofe is propofed to be attained at a lefs price, objects to the measure that it violates their independence! I ask the people, does not this conduct belie the motives of that man who urged a furrender of the conftitution in order to prevent feparation, and who, when feparation is to be prevented in another way, objects the conftitution? What will they think of the honefty, or the fincerity, of him who would allow the legislature but twenty four hours to deliberate and decide uponra measure vefting the executive with abfolute and irrefponfible power, but whofe fcrupulous delicacy and flow intellect requires an extraordinary time to deliberate on the question, whether the legislature, to perpetuate the connexion, fhould restrain the exercife of their free choice in a cafe of the most rare occurrence? Nay, what will they think of the understanding of the man who, when the legiflature, forefeeing a remote danger from the poffibility of a cafe in which a free exercife of their independence might tend to feparation, propofe to reftrain the exercife of their right in that inftance for the future, declares, that on this occafion he is more than ever convinced the independence of that legislature endangers the connexion, and that therefore they ought, as foon as poffible, to furrender it altogether? For my part, 1 profefs I can fee in the conduct of fuch a man nothing but a thorough contempt for confiftency, a palpable contradiction of former profeffions, an inveterate hoftility to the independence of the country for reafons which he dares not avow, and a ftolidity which incapacitates him from giving even colour and plausibility to his own actions. But is this the only inflance in which the young Lord has, in the courfe of three weeks, falfified his own profeflions, and refuted his own arguments? The young Lord, with the rafhnefs rather than with the candour of a young man, told the people of Ireland that they had not the British conftitution, but that an Union would give it to them. Now, either thofe measures which his lordship has promoted fince the rejection of an Union were made neceffary by the circumftances of the country, or they have been adopted by his lordship to punish this befotted country for their rejection of this proffered boon. If the circumftances of the country made those measures neceffary, they would have been adopted as well had an Union taken place as in cafe of its rejection; for the mere enaction of an Union could not immediately, if it could ever, produce any effect in rendering thofe meafures lefs neceffary. But what have these measures been? The most diftiusuish Vide the debate on the Bill for fuppreffing the Rebellion, which invefts the Irish Executive with power to eftablish law-martial, para mount to the civil power, over all the king's fubjects. ed is the rebellion bill, by which the executive power is authorized by law to fufpend the operations of the civil courts, and exercife the indefinite and tremendous powers of martial-law at their mere difcretion, and without controul. This then is the conftitution of England, with which, after an Union we were to be bleffed, This is one of the tranquilifing, civilifing, humanizing fchemes, which an Union was to introduce; and it was thus that the people of Ireland were to be admitted within the pale of the conftitution! But I will be told that it is unfair to attribute to his lordhip an intention of carrying this meafure had an Union been adopted, because it is now carried after the rejection of an Union. I reply, there is nothing unfair in charging him with that intention, if it cannot be shewn (and I defy any man to fhew it) that circumstances have been rendered fo different by the rejection of that meafure that this bill is more neceffary now than it would have been had the minifter fucceeded in his attempt at fubjugating the country. There is certainly no fhade of difference created by that rejection, and therefore there cannot be a doubt entertained by any rational man that his lordship would have propofed this bill had the country fuffered itself to be duped into a furrender of its independence in the falfe hope of being admitted to a fuller participation of the benefits of the British Conftitution, as well as in the prefent circumstances of the country. But what indignation would not the People of Ireland have juftly entertained against the man, who fhould have fubftituted this dreadful law for a fuller enjoyment of conftitutional liberty? Would they not have truly thought that his promife had been broken, and his profeffions falfified? And if this Bill was in his Lordships contemplation when he was holding out to Ireland the deceitful hope of a full enjoyment of the privileges of the British Conftitution; I afk is he not now fairly chargeable with having fpoken falfely, and acted deceitfully, towards this country? Should I adopt the other alternative, and fuppofe that this meafure was not neceffary, either before or fince the difcuffion of an Union, but that he has reforted to it as a measure of revenge, to punish our obftinacy, or of experiment, to goad us to an Union, his Lordship's character, or that of the adminiftration he leads, will not be much ferved by the fuppofition. In the one cafe, he will be guilty of deceit and falfhood; in the other, of fraud and malice. It is, however, with this latter that I am inclined to charge him, for that there was any thing in the circumftances of the country, or in the government, which made the adoption of this bill neceffary, I cannot conceive. His Lordship has acknowledged it gives no new powers to adminiftration, and therefore it could not be neceffary to enable them to reprefs what he calls the rebellion. He has faid, that the Government have already the undoubted right of trying and punishing rebellion in a fummary way by law-martial, and that therefore, the only object of the bill is to prevent the |