Hoc volo, fic jubco, fit pro ratione voluntas. No. XXVIII.. must be admitted. Now, that the radical deftruction, Juv. Sat. 6. of whatever, fo long as it exifted, rendered the conftitution of Ireland a nullity, was compleat restoration of that conftitution, and therefore to all intents and purposes, a final adjustment with refpe& to IN my lift, I attempted to make fome obfervations on and, that it was fo confidered by the part comitution; one or two of the arguments ufed by Mr. Pitt, in his Speech of the 31st of January laft, and now mean to hazard a few more remarks upon other points, which he there feemed to have relied upon. Mr. Pitt argues that the fettlement of 1782, was not a final adjustment in itfel, nor was it fo confidered to be, either by the Minider, or Parliaments concerned in effecting it; that danger lurks in the imperfect ftate of that adjustment; and that there are but two pofiible methods of removing that danger-Commercial Compact, or Legiflative Union. The former having been tried, has failed, and therefore he fays nothing can remain but the latter. As a great perfonage, to whom this kingdom ftands deeply indebted, has lately committed himself on this fubject, with Mr. Pitt, one, whofe words long fince uttered officially in Parliament, as a Minifter of the Crown, he has ungenerously, in his abfence, but vainly, endeavoured to fhew, are contradictory to his prefent conduct; it will be the lefs neceffary to dwell long upon it, because it is probable it will be much more ably difcuffed than I can pretend to do. Mr. Pitt fays" But to call that a fftem in itfelf, which was no more than the mere demolition of another fyftem, could only be the effect of great mifconception, or great hypocrify. We boaft that we have done every thing, when we have merely deftroyed a fyftem, without fubflituting any thing in its place." Abftractedly to affert, that the deftruction of one fyftem, muft mean, ex vi termini, the creation of another, most undoubtedly would be grofsly abfurd. But if the particular cafe on which Mr. Pitt was reasoning, has no relation to fuch an abstract propofition, then it was uncandid to infinuate its application. There was no kind of neceffity for fubftituting any thing in the inftance before him, in order to create a fyftem, for all that was there requifite, was the removal of an unjuft and tyrannical impediment, interpofed to prevent the operation of a fair and liberal fyftem, which was pre-exifting, and the very act which destroyed that impediment, did of itfelf Levive the fyftem. That a fyftem (applying the word to the point Mr. Pitt was debating) involves the confideration of conftitutional and commercial adjuftments, § Page 13. the fettlement of 1782, is not only true in itself, but appears from Mr. Pitt's own fhewing. He fays, "A mffage was fent to the Parliament of Ireland, recommending the adoption of fome plan, for a final adjustment between the two countries, and wishing to know what were the grounds of the grievances of which they complained. In anfwer, the Parliament stated as the principal grievance, the power claimed by the Parliament of Great Britain of making laws for them, but were filent as to the meafures for final adjuftment." The attainment, the full and final attainment, of a free conftitution, was the great object of the Irish Parliament, and when they received a meffage, directing them to point out the road through which they were to arrive at this their great defideratum, what does Mr. Pitt fay was their conduct? They ftated that grievance, the existence of which kept their conftitution in abeyance, and were filent as to any thing further. And why filent? Becaufe moft obviously they understood themselves, and meant to convey as their anfwer, that the removal of the grievance then mentioned, was tantamount, per fe, to a plan for a final, conftitutional adjustment. Is it poffible to devife any other caufe for a filence on a fubjet that implicated every important confideration in the very thing they, had ufed fuch exertions to obtain, which they were then defired to mark out, and which they knew could not then be with-held from them. This anfwer was taken as fufficient to the thing recommended by the British Parliament, who had received a fimilar meffage, and they repealed the act complained of; thus acquiefcing in the idea, that removing the grievance which kept the conftitution of Ireland in bondage, was adopting a plan for a final adjustment, fo far as conftitution was involved between the two countries. But he fays, "An addrefs to his Majefty to take fuch further measures for ftrengthening the connexion of these kingdoms, as fhould feem proper to him, was prefented by the British Houfe of Commons." Whether thefe additi onal measures were to be conftitutional or commercial, let facts declare. If they appear to have been commercial only, then it is but fair to conclude, that the queftion of conftitution was confidered to have been previously and finally adjusted. Mr. Pitt admits that no Page 14. § Page 16. no measure fince that period has been taken of the nature Can it be neceffary to reply to his affertion that the commercial propofitions, as a planof final adjustment, having failed, that therefore no commercial compact can ever be established between the two countries: Its falfehood and abfurdity are too glaring. The reafons for which they were rejected, the folly of fuppofing Mr. Pitt the only .66 man exifting who could form regulations of a commer» cial nature for these kingdoms, and the nonfe nfe of advancing the utter impoffibility of devising any but those already propofed, are fo obvious, as not to efcape the flighteft obfervation. But it may not be amifs to remark, that his fuffering commercial adjustment to take a peaceable nap of 14 years duration, along with the conttitutional adjustment which lay down to fleep three years before it, if it proves any thing, it must be either the moft culpable neglect in Mr. Pitt, or that he did not in reality confider them finally unfettled, or clfe that he did not imagine them to be of that vital importance he now states them to be. I might indeed fuppofe one other motive, but that his tender and parental regard for the interefts of this kingdom forbids us to imagine it,is that he would forbear from awakening them until he thought they might ferve to restore that demolished fyftem, "which before held thefe countries together." Mr. Pitt afferts (and that affertion precludes all occafion for proof) that a compact between the two legiflatures has been tried and found impracticable." He fays too, that commercial jealoufies, may, and muft arife between thefe kingdoms, though hitherto they have not arisen ; and although it is manifeft that nothing can cause them but the commercial profperity of Ireland. He infifts that the only poffible way to prevent the birth of thefe commercial jealoufies, is for Ireland to furrender all thofe feparate conftitutional rights which the now poffeffes, declaring at the fame time they have not yet been finally adjusted, even although for 17 years he acted as if the adjustment had been final. Is there a man existing, standing without the limits of Mr. Pitt's influence, who could feriously maintain, that admitting commercial jealoufies may arife between two nations, that not merely the best, but the only poffible way of obviating them, and establishing "a folid permanent connexion between fuch countries," is for the weaker of them to veft in the ftronger, the actual, though not nominal right of difpofing of her interefts and concerns at her difcretion, without appeal or remedy. If fuch a pofition can be once cftablished, it must indeed be readily admitted, that it will prove a certain way to prevent at least commercial jealoufies, and furely of all mankind, a native of this kingdom must be amongst the foremost in acknowledging on the ftrongest of all poffible grounds former experience that fuch means are fully competent to the production of such an effect. Who will say that there can be no complete final adjustment between thefe countries, until Ireland fubmits her feparate interefts (and + Mr. Pitt admits there may be feparate interefts attached to each kingdom) to the protecting care of the British parliament, thus enabling them to exert the magnanimity he boasts fo much of, in nobly neglecting their own, when they come in collifion with those of Ireland. Mr. Pitt now proceeds to his terrific inftances of the regency, and the rights of this country on questions of reace and war. Thefe bug-bears are eafily, and indeed have been moft amply, ftripped of all the dangers they were capable of holding out against the great interefts of the empire. He concludes this head with a long ftring of queries, grounded on cafes he fuppofcs poffible to arife. The anfwer to them all is fhort and plain. They may all readily be provided against without having recourfe to his only means. It would indeed requireo very great flare of ingenuity to fuppofe imaginable cafes, on which the two nations might differ as much after a Legislative Union as before it, even although we might fuppofe all the non-refident members (as well Lords as Commoners) agreeing unanimously with the British; or even although we fuppofed, what is much more difficult to imagine, that they unanimoufly diffented from them; we might fuppofe the confequence of fuch a difference would be, if not finally adjusted, most probably juft then what fuch a difference would be just now-ruin to both. Yet we can fuppofe too, that the probability of that ruin would be leffened by the very circumstance of the independence of both nations. There is however, one cafe indeed, which we cannot even fuppofe the existence of, and that is the total prevention of all poffibility of any two nations differing to their own deftruction, or of the inhabitants of different parts of the fame nation cutting one anothers throats; this latter cafe has exhibited the poffibility of its frequent recurrence, even in the hallowed and happy land of Great Britain, and yet establishes nothing more than the impoflibility of rendering any human inftitution completely perfect. HIBERNICUS. 3. And you well know you are king over a people who dwell in the land of Erin, who are poffeffed of a harp which is kept in their chief city, to the music of which they have fung, and they have danced. They have waxed rich, and do make merry. 4. Now if we could prevail on the people of this land, to bring their harp to our chief city, and with it fome of their nobles and fome of their people: Then would their riches be our riches, our laws would be their laws, our taxes would be their taxes, and we should be as one people. 5. And the king answered and faid, how fhall we do this thing? Is not their harp guarded by fierce wolfdogs of their own breeding, who will not fuffer any ftranger to come near it, and are not the people a jealous and a ftubborn people. 6. And William faid, have not you committed the government of Erin to Cornelius, a valiant man, and a mighty warrior, well skilled in the art of war, and has he not a youth named Robert, to fend on his errands and meffages, and have you not a kennel of well-trained bull-dogs in their chief city, ready and stout enough to attack the wolf-dogs, and has he not a Cook to make favoury bits for your, dogs: are not all thofe under the command of the chief ruler? 7. And moreover, when the harp is come to our city, it will be tuned to the bagpipe of the North, and the trumpet of the South, fo that they will all play in concert together. 8. And the king anfwered and faid, do in this matter as it feemeth good unto you; fo William prepared a meffage to be fent to the nobles, and to the people of England, when affembled together, on a day appointed. 9. And he likewife fent to Cornelius to make a speech to the nobles, and to the people of Erin, on the fame The Thirty-fecond Chapter of the Book of Chronicles day, when they were to be collected together in coun cil. 10. Howbeit, when the nobles and the people were met together, and Cornelius had feated himself on the king's throne, he imparted to them that it was the king's defire, that they should bring their harp into his prefence. II. And when the nobles communed together, almost all of them agreed to the defire of the king; but when the people affembled, the wolf-dogs barked and growled exceedingly, fo that the bull-dogs could not approach the harp without great danger. 12. And the contest lafted from the evening of one day, to the middle of the next, but the conflict being nearly equal, the dogs on both fides were drawn off, made, and of the laws that he impofed, are they not to be refremhed until the next day. written in the book of the chronicles of the Kings of England. 13. And on the next day of meeting the battle again began, and continued for feveral hours; but at length the bull-dogs were vanquished; the wolf-dogs being in number 111, and the bull-dogs 104. 15. So the harp yet remains in the chief city of Erin, under the care of the victors; and there were great rejoicings, illuminations, and other demonftrations of joy throughout the whole city, on account thereof. 15. And the leader of the wolf-dogs received the thanks of all the people of the land for his good conduct and judicious government of the wolf-dogs. 16. But the leader of the bull-dogs was defpifed and hooted by all ranks of men, for his attempt to deprive his and his forefathers native kingdom of its harp; and he was fore vexed, and much troubled at his difcomfi ture. 17. And when the rumour had spread through the diftant provinces of the land, the wolf-dogs of every place in the kingdom met together, and refolved to afford their best affiftance to the wolf-dogs who had been victorious, and had kept the harp at home. 18. So that it is now believed the harp of Erin will rest in the land from generation to generation. And let all the people say, amen, amen. So be it. 19. Now the reft of the acts of George the third, and of William his chief counsellor, of the laws that he WE beg leave to contradict a ridiculous report late tle, for the purpofe of inftructing officers of rank, who WE hear that a late EXECUTIVE OFFICER of a certain fouthern county is fhortly to have the BLOODY HAND added to his efcutcheon as a perpetual memorial of the ability with which he fulfilled the DUTIES of his office. PRICE 2D. SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1799. No. XXIX. fee the time when the conftitution of this country fhall THE following Letters were dropped into our box at be fecure as well against the attacks of the former and different times; and as they exhibit, not unfaithfully, the fentiments of two oppofite parties on the fubject of an Union, we think it not improper to indulge the refpective authors with the publication of their performances. At the fame time we take this opportunity of declaring, what we truft our manner of conducting this paper, has made fufficiently apparent, that in principle and in practice, we differ from thofe who fwear fealty to either party. We differ from that affociation, which,, to promote a political end, inclofes its members within. the pale of a fect; and we abhor the confpiracy of thofe, who, for the purpose of overwhelming the conftitution of their country, abufe the fimplicity of the lower or-ders of fociety, and preach a ferocious, unrelenting enmity against the higher ranks. Our difapprobation of the Orange-man is not, however, unqualified. So far as he is loyal, his conduct deferves our praife; and the indignation he expreffes at the requital with which it was intended to reward his fervices to his King and the Confitution, kindles in our bofom a fympathetic feeling. With the Committee-man we have not one point of contact or fympathy; we rejoice in his difappointment, and we lament that the late defperate project, has raifed in him hopes, which, we fondly trufted, the event of the late rebellion had baffled for ever. To the orange-man we should wish to justify our coldness, which he, in de- rifion, has called philofophic. We accept the epithet as a compliment, and we beg leave to fuggeft to him, that in all human concerns, the torch of reafon is a more fecure guide, than the unfteady flame of impaffioned feeling. The former leads to moderation, the latter to excefs. The former always vivid and ferene, is fed in the pure atmosphere of philanthropy; while the latter is frequently obfcured by the mists of prejudice and intolerance, and fometimes is extinguished in blood. Our confciences fanction that conduct which the United Irishman calls miftaken patriotifm, and the Orangeman frigid indifference. In the farcafm of one we fee fomething oppofite to a love of the conftitution, in the cenfure of the other we can diftinguifh fomething different from that calmnefs which in the most troubled times a rational man fhould wish to preferve. To the one we explicitly declare our abhorrence of that licentioufnefs which fome political dreamers have called Liberty; to the other we venture to recommend that temperate benevolence whofe ultimate object is to encreafe human happiness, which laments fectarian animofity, and which fo far from countenancing acts of feverity turns afide even from the punishment which it may deem neceffary to inflict. We anxioufly hope foon to his foreign allies, as against the efforts of a not lefs formidable affailant, the British Minister; and when the zeal of the latter not limited to a party or circumfcribed to a fect fhall be directed to promote the equal and univerfal welfare of all his fellow-countrymen. TO THE EDITORS OF THE ANTI-UNION. So! Gentlemen; you friends of the Connexion-you DO! Gentlemen; you friends of the Connexion-you fticklers for the prefent conftitution in church and state, are about to reap the fruits of your zeal and services! The British Cabinet whom you have fo faithfully ferved, and fo implicitly trufted, I find are about to take you to their arms, and reward your fidelity and your confidence, by making you Englishmen! I congratulate you from the bottom of my heart on the event! I love to fee loyalty properly rewarded, tho' it is a virtue I have never boafted-I rejoice to fee Irishmen, who have laboured fo ardently for British Connexion, raised to the dignity of British fubjects! But to be ferious, Gentlemen, for indeed I mean not to infult you, however ridiculous you may appear, after being duped fo egregioufly; to be serious I fay, are you not now convinced, that it was our party, not yours, that had the traeft view of British policy, and divined most truly the intentions of the British cabinet towards this country? Who now appears to have reafoned beft on the principles and aims of your AngloIrifh fecretaries; your Pitts, your Grenvilles, and your Camdens? WE infifted that the Irish Parliament, con, ftituted as it is of borough-mongers, of placemen, penfioners, and hungry expectants, could never fairly speak the fenfe, or confult the interests, of Ireland. You reviled us! you whipt, tranfported, and fhot us, for faying fo! What do you fay now, when the very fame affertions which we uttered, and almost in our very words, are promulgated as political truifms, from the very Council-chamber? Muft not your hearts tell you, that you have been the dupes of a wicked faction? Muft not your confciences now feel that we have been un-juftly and unwifely perfecuted? But have you yet fully feen your errors? I think not, from your prefent conduct. You, Gentlemen, have ftepped forward with a zeal and a boldness, that do you honor, becaufe your inten |