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people. Whether the public authorities of Spain | of our advice, the Portuguese government waved did or did not partake of the national sentiment, its right under those treaties; very wisely rethere would almost necessarily grow up between flecting that it would be highly inconvenient to Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, be placed by the return of their deserters in the an opposition of feelings which it would not re- difficult alternative of either granting a dangerquire the authority or the suggestions of the ous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. government to excite and stimulate into action. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified Without blame, therefore, to the government of to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, inSpain-out of the natural antipathy between the stead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would two neighboring nations-the one prizing its re- restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and, cent freedom, the other hugging its traditionary separating the men from their officers, would reservitude-there might arise mutual provoca- move both from the frontiers into the interior of tions and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into the most active and vigilant ministry could not by the Spanish government to this effect-first altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe with Portugal, next with France, and afterward that such has been, in part at least, the origin with England. Those engagements, concluded of the differences between Spain and Portugal. one day, were violated the next. The deserters, That in their progress they have been adopted, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were matured, methodized, combined, and brought into allowed to remain congregated together near the more perfect action, by some authority more frontiers of Portugal, where they were enrolled, united and more efficient than the mere feeling trained, and disciplined for the expedition which disseminated through the mass of the communi- they have since undertaken. It is plain that in ty, is certain; but I do believe their origin to these proceedings there was perfidy Apparent perfi have been as much in the real sentiment of the somewhere. It rests with the Span- dy on the part of Spain. Spanish population, as in the opinion or contriv-ish government to show that it was ance of the government itself. not with them. It rests with the Spanish gov. Whether this be or be not the case, is pre-ernment to prove that, if its engagements have

ment of Spain

has not acted in

this case, England does not

If the govern cisely the question between us and Spain. If, though partaking in the general feelings of the Spanish nawar on her. tion, the Spanish government has, nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feelings, and to direct them hostilely against Portugal; if all that has occurred on the frontiers has occurred only because the vigilance of the Spanish government has been surprised, its confidence betrayed, and its orders neglected-if its engagements have been repeatedly and shamefully violated, not by its own good-will, but against its recommendation and desire-let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of repentance, some measures indicative of sorrow for the past, and of sincerity for the future. In that case, his Majesty's message, to which I propose this night to return an answer of concurrence, will retain the character which I have ascribed to it-that of a measure of defense for Portugal, not a measure of resentment against Spain.

Facts as to existing dif

ferences be

not been fulfilled-if its intentions have been eluded and unexecuted-the fault has not been with the government, and that it is ready to make every reparation in its power.

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I have said that these promises were made to France and to Great Britain as well France and Enas to Portugal. I should do a great suited by her injustice to France if I were not to conduct. add, that the representations of that government upon this point to the cabinet of Madrid, have been as urgent, and, alas! as fruitless, as those of Great Britain. Upon the first irruption into the Portuguese territory, the French government testified its displeasure by instantly recalling its embassador; and it further directed its chargé d'affaires to signify to his Catholic Majesty, that Spain was not to look for any support from France against the consequences of this aggression upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in justice to the French government, to state, that it has exerted itself to the utmost in urging Spain to retrace the steps which she has so unfortunately taken. It is not for me to say whether any more efficient course might have been adopted to give effect to their exhortations; but as to the sincerity and good faith of the exertions made by the government of France, to press Spain to the execution of her engagements, I have not the shadow of a doubt, and I confidently reckon upon their continuance,

With these explanations and qualifications, let us now proceed to the review of facts. Great desertions took place from the tween Portu Portuguese army into Spain, and some gal and Spain. desertions took place from the Spanish army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; but in every subsequent instance, where they had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the is but just to say that they uniformly discour-step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in aged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery. There exist between Spain and Portugal specific treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender of deserters. Portugal had, therefore, a right to claim of Spain that every Portuguese deserter should be forthwith sent back. I hardly know whether from its own impulse, or in consequence

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what way she will meet it. The earnest hope and wish of his Majesty's government is, that she may meet it in such a manner as to avert any ill consequences to herself from the measure into which we have been driven by the unjust attack upon Portugal.

Sir, I set out with saying that there were rea

Europe will be one of opinions.

which agitates more or less sensibly different countries of the world, may be compared to that of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the poet:

"Celsa sedet Æolus arce,

duce a scene of desolation which no man can contemplate without horror; and I should not sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that I had contributed to precipitate it by a single moment.

This, then, is the reason-a reason very different from fear-the reverse of a consciousness of disability-why I dread the recurrence of hostilities in any part of Europe; why I would bear much, and would forbear long; why I would (as I have said) put up with almost any thing that did not touch national faith and national honor, rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash of which we hold in our hands-not knowing whom they may reach, or how far their ravages may be carried. Such is the love of peace which the British government acknowledges; and such the necessity for peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate. I will push these topics no further.

sons which entirely satisfied my judgment that Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national bext great war in faith or national honor would justify, at the present moment, any voluntary approximation to the possibility of war. Let me be understood, however, distinctly as not Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras; meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause Ni faciat, maria ac terras cœlumque profundum (and in no other may it be the lot of this country Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras." ever to engage!) from a distrust of the strength The consequence of letting loose the passions at of the country to commence it, or of her resour-present chained and confined, would be to proces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed—but upon far other grounds: I dread it from an apprehension of the tremendous consequences which might arise from any hostilities in which we might now be engaged. Some years ago, in the discussion of the negotiations respecting the French war against Spain, I took the liberty of adverting to this topic. I then stated that the position of this country in the present state of the world was one of neutrality, not only between contending nations, but between conflicting principles; and that it was by neutrality alone that we could maintain that balance, the preservation of which I believed to be essential to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I feared that the next war which should be kindled in Europe would be a war not so much of armies as of opinions. Not four years have elapsed, and behold my apprehension realized! It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this war of opinion is at present confined; but it is a war of opinion that Spain (whether as government or as nation) is now waging against Portugal; it is a war which has commenced in hatred of the new institutions of Portugal. How long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will abstain from retaliation? If into that war this country shall be compelled to enter, we shall enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire to mitigate rather than exasperate-and to mingle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may endeavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid seeing ranked under her banners all the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she might come in conflict. It is the contemplation Mr. Canning gained very great and merited of this new power in any future war which ex- applause by this intervention in behalf of a concites my most anxious apprehension. It is one stitutional government. His prediction that the thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be next great war in Europe would be one of opisanother to use it like a giant. The conscious-ions, is yet to be accomplished; and events since ness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source of confidence and security; but in the situation in which this country stands, our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to content ourselves with letting the professors of violent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides feel, that it is not their interest to convert an umpire into an adversary. The situation of England, amid the struggle of political opinions |

I return, in conclusion, to the object of the Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by whomsoever attacked, because it is our duty to do so; and let us cease our interference where that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but to defend and to preserve the independence of an ally. We go to plant the standard of England on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall

not come.

The House gave an almost unanimous support to an Address approving of the measures adopted; and the insurrection was at once suppressed in every part of Portugal.

the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at
the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that
such a contest may not be far remote.

Eolus sits upon his lofty tower
And holds the scepter, calming all their rage:
Else would they bear sea, earth, and heaven pro-
found

In rapid flight, and sweep them through the air.
Virgil's Eneid, book i., lines 36-9.

So.

EXTRACT S.

Foreign EnlistmENT BILL. APRIL 16, 1823. WHAT, Sir! is it to become a maxim with this country that she is ever to be a belligerent? Is she never, under any possible state of circumstances, to remain neutral ? If this proposition be good for any thing, it must run to this extent -that our position, insulated as it is from all the rest of the world, moves us so far from the scene of continental warfare, that we ought always to be belligerent that we are bound to counteract the designs of Providence, to reject the advantages of nature, and to render futile and erroneous the description of the poet, who has said, to our honor, that we were less prone to war and tumult, on account of our happy situation, than the neighboring nations that lie conterminous with one another. But wherefore this dread of a neutrality? If gentlemen look to the page of history, they will find that for centuries past, whenever there has been a war in Europe, we have almost always been belligerent. The fact is undoubtedly so; but I am not prepared to lay it down as a principle, that if, at the beginning of a war, we should happen to maintain a species of neutrality, it was an unnatural thing that we should do Gentlemen say that we must be drawn into a war, sooner or later. Why, then, I answer, let it be later. I say, if we are to be drawn into a war, let us be drawn into it on grounds clearly British. I do not say-God forbid I should-that it is no part of the duty of Great Britain to protect what is termed the balance of power, and to aid the weak against the insults of the strong. I say, on the contrary, that to do so is her bounden duty; but I affirm, also, that we must take care to do our duty to ourselves. The first condition of engaging in any war-the sine quâ non of every such undertaking-is, that the war must be just; the second, that being just in itself, we can also with justice engage in it; and the third, that being just in its nature, and it being possible for us justly to embark in it, we can so interfere without detriment or prejudice to ourselves. I contend that he is a visionary politician who leaves this last condition out of the question; and I say further, that though the glorious abandonment of it may sound well in the generous speech of an irresponsible orator-with the safety of a nation upon his lips, and none of the responsibility upon his shoulders-it is matter deeply to be considered; and that the minister who should lay it out of his view, in calling on the country to undertake a war, would well deserve that universal censure and reprobation with which the noble Lord opposite has this night menaced me. If it be wise for a government, though it can not prevent an actual explosion, to endeavor to circumscribe the limits, and to lessen the duration

taken in the present instance is of more probable of a war, then I say that the position we have efficacy than that in which we should have stood had we suffered ourselves to be drawn into a participation in the contest. Participation, did I say? Sir! is there any man who hears me-is there any man acquainted with the history of the country for the last twenty years, who does not know the way in which Great Britain has been accustomed to participate in a war? Do not gentlemen know that if we now enter into a war, we must take the whole burden of it upon ourselves, and conduct the whole force and exertions of the peninsula? But supposing such to be our course, how different must be our situation, as compared with former periods. When we last became the defenders of Spain, we fought for and with a united people. What would be the case at present? Any interference on our parts in favor of Spain must commence with an attempt to unite contending factions, and to stimulate men of opposite interests and opposite feelings to one grand and simultaneous effort. Now I do not hesitate to say that the man who would undertake to do this under present circumstances, must either be possessed of supernatural means of information, or of a hardihood which I may envy, but shall not attempt to imitate. I say that those men will not consult the true dignity of the country, who, finding fault with the part we have adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by endeavoring to make us perform that part amiss. Out course is neutrality-strict neutrality; and in the name of God, let us adhere to it. If you dislike that course-if you think it injurious to the honor or interests of the country-drive from their places those neutral ministers who have adopted it; but until you are prepared to declare war, you are bound to adhere to and to act upon the system which ministers have laid down.

I stated, a few evenings ago, that we could have no difficulty in the course which we had to pursue in observance of a strict neutrality. We have spent much time in teaching other powers the nature of a strict neutrality; and, generally speaking, we found them most reluctant scholars. All I now call upon the House to do, is to adopt the same course which it has recommended to neutral powers upon former occasions. If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should take that laid down by America in the days of the Presidency of Washington and the Secretaryship of Jefferson

ON THE KING'S SPEECH. FEBRUARY 15, 1825.

I Now turn to that other part of the honorable and learned gentleman's [Mr. Brougham] speech,

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ests, we took care to give no just cause of offense to other powers.

ARY 15, 1825.

In the next place, are we prepared to say that these and other acts of the Catholic Association have no tendency to excite and inflame animosities? I affirm, without hesitation, that they have directly that tendency; and in support of this affirmation I must beg leave to recur, however solemnly warned against the recurrence, to an expression which I was the first to bring to the notice of the House, but which has been since the subject of repeated animadversion; I mean the adjuration "by the hate you bear to Orangemen," which was used by the association in their

Various and not unamusing have been the attempts of gentlemen who take the part of the association, to get rid of this most unlucky phrase, or at least to dilute and attenuate its obvious and undeniable meaning. It is said to be unfair to select one insulated expression as indicating the general spirit of the proceedings of any public body. Granted; if the expression had escaped in the heat of debate, if it had been struck out by the collision of argument, if it had been thrown forth in haste, and had been, upon reflection, recalled. But if the words are found in a document which was prepared with care and considered with deliberation-if it is notorious that they were pointed out as objectionable when they were first proposed by the framers of the address, but were, nevertheless, upon argument retainedsurely we are not only justified in receiving them as an indication, at least, of the animus of those who used them; but we should be rejecting the best evidence of that animus, if we passed over so well-weighed a manifestation of it.

in which he acknowledges his acquiescence in the passages of the address echoing the satisfaction felt at the success of the liberal commercial principles adopted by this country, and at the steps ON UNLAwful Societies in Ireland. FEBRU taken for recognizing the new states of America. It does happen, however, that the honorable and learned gentleman being not unfrequently a speaker in this House, nor very concise in his speeches, and touching occasionally, as he proceeds, on almost every subject within the range of his imagination, as well as making some observations on the matter in hand—and having at different periods proposed and supported every innovation of which the law or Constitution of the country is susceptible-it is impossible to innovate, without appearing to borrow from him. Either, therefore, we must remain forever absolutely locked up as in a northern winter, or we must break our way out by some mode already sug-address to the Catholics of Ireland. gested by the honorable and learned gentleman, and then he cries out, Ah, I was there before you! That is what I told you to do; but as you would not do it then, you have no right to do it now." In Queen Anne's reign there lived a very sage and able critic, named Dennis, who, in his old age, was the prey of a strange fancy, that he had himself written all the good things in all the good plays that were acted. Every good passage he met with in any author he insisted was his own. "It is none of his," Dennis would always say; "no, it's mine!" He went one day to see a new tragedy. Nothing particularly good to his taste occurred, till a scene in which a great storm was represented. As soon as he heard the thunder rolling over head, he exclaimed, "That's my thunder!" So it is with the honorable and learned gentleman; it's all his thunder. It will henceforth be impossible to conter any boon, or make any innovation, but he will claim it as his thunder. But it is due to him to acknowledge that he does not claim every thing; he will be content with the exclusive merit of the liberal measures relating to trade and commerce. Not desirous of violating his own principles, by claiming a monopoly of fore-structions on a phrase which is as plain in its sight and wisdom, he kindly throws overboard to my honorable and learned friend [Sir J. Mackintosh] near him, the praise of South America. 1 should like to know whether, in some degree, this also is not his thunder. He thinks it right itself; but lest we should be too proud if he approved our conduct in toto, he thinks it wrong in point of time. I differ from him essentially; for if I pique myself on any thing in this affair, it is the time. That, at some time or other, states which had separated themselves from the mother country should or should not be admitted to the rank of independent nations, is a proposition to which no possible dissent could be given. The whole question was one of time and mode. There were two modes: one a reckless and headlong course, by which we might have reached our object at once, but at the expense of drawing upon us consequences not highly to be estimated; the other was more strictly guarded in point of principle; so that, while we pursued our own inter

Were not this felt by honorable gentlemen on the other side to be true, we should not have seen them so anxious to put forced and fanciful con

meaning as any which the hand of man ever wrote or the eye of man ever saw. The first defense of this phrase was by an honorable member from Ireland, who told us that the words do not convey the same meaning in the Irish language which we in England naturally attach to them. I do not pretend to be conversant with the Irish language; and must, therefore, leave that apology to stand for what it may be worth, on the learned gentleman's erudition and authority. I will not follow every other gentleman who has strained his faculties to explain away this unfortunate expression; but will come at once to my honorable and learned friend [Sir James Mackintosh], the member for Knaresborough, to whom the palm in this contest of inge nuity must be conceded by all his competitors. My honorable friend has expended abundant research and subtilty upon this inquiry, and having resolved the phrase into its elements in the crucible of his philosophical mind, has produced it

to us purified and refined to a degree that must and learned friend; it might be the poor man's command the admiration of all who take delight only fault, and therefore clearly incorrigible. But in metaphysical alchemy. My honorable and if I had the good fortune to find out that he was learned friend began by telling us that, after all, also addicted to stealing, might I not, with a safe hatred is no bad thing in itself. "I hate a conscience, send him to my learned friend with a Tory," says my honorable friend-" and another very strong recommendation, saying, I send you man hates a cat; but it does not follow that he a man whom I know to be a drunkard; but I am would hunt down the cat, or I the Tory." Nay, happy to assure you he is also a thief: you can so far from it-hatred, if it be properly managed, not do better than employ him; you will make is, according to my honorable friend's theory, no his drunkenness counteract his thievery, and no bad preface to a rational esteem and affection. doubt you will bring him out of the conflict a It prepares its votaries for a reconciliation of dif- very moral personage. My honorable and learnferences for lying down with their most invet-ed friend, however, not content with laying down erate enemies, like the leopard and the kid, in these new rules for reformation, thought it right the vision of the prophet.

This dogma is a little startling, but it is not altogether without precedent. It is borrowed from a character in a play which is, I dare say. as great a favorite with my learned friend as it is with me--I mean the comedy of The Rivals; in which Mrs. Malaprop, giving a lecture on the subject of marriage to her niece (who is unrea sonable enough to talk of liking as a necessary preliminary to such a union), says, "What have you to do with your likings and your preferences, child? depend upon it, it is safest to begin with a little aversion. I am sure I hated your poor dear uncle like a blackamoor before we were married; and yet you know, my dear, what a good wife I made him." Such is my learned friend's argument to a hair.

But finding that this doctrine did not appear to go down with the House so glibly as he had expected, my honorable and learned friend presently changed his tack, and put forward a theory, which, whether for novelty or for beauty, I pronounce to be incomparable; and, in short, as wanting nothing to recommend it but a slight foundation in truth. "True philosophy," says my honorable friend, "will always contrive to lead men to virtue by the instrumentality of their conflicting vices. The virtues, where more than one exist, may live harmoniously together; but the vices bear mortal antipathy to one another, and therefore furnish to the moral engineer the power by which he can make each keep the other under control." Admirable !-but, upon this doctrine, the poor man who has but one single vice must be in a very bad way. No fulcrum, no moral power for effecting his cure. Where as his more fortunate neighbor, who has two or more vices in his composition, is in a fair way of becoming a very virtuous member of society. I wonder how my learned friend would like to have this doctrine introduced into his domestic establishment. For instance, suppose that I discharge a servant because he is addicted to liquor, I could not venture to recommend him to my honorable

to exemplify them in his own person, and, like Pope's Longinus, to be "himself the great sublime he drew." My learned friend tells us that Dr. Johnson was what he [Dr. Johnson himself] called a good hater; and that among the qualities which he hated most were two which my honorable friend unites in his own person-that of Whig and that of Scotchman. "So that," says my honorable friend, "if Dr. Johnson were alive, and were to meet me at the club, of which he was a founder, and of which I am now an unworthy member, he would probably break up the meeting rather than sit it out in such society." No, sir, not so. My honorable and learned friend forgets his own theory. If he had been only a Whig, or only a Scotchman, Dr. Johnson might have treated him as he apprehends; but being both, the great moralist would have said to my honorable friend, "Sir, you are too much of a Whig to be a good Scotchman; and, sir, you are too much of a Scotchman to be a good Whig." It is no doubt from the collision of these two vices in my learned friend's person, that he has become what I, and all who have the happiness of meeting him at the club, find him—an entirely faultless character.

For my own part, however, I must say, that I can not see any hope of obtaining the great moral victory which my learned friend has anticipated-of winning men to the practice of virtue by adjurations addressed to their peculiar vices. I believe, after all these ratiocinations and refinements, we must come back to the plain truth, which is felt even while it is denied that the phrase "by the hate you bear to Orangemen," is an indefensible phrase; that it is at leastwhat alone I am contending that it is-incontestable evidence of the allegation that the Catholic Association does excite animosities in Ireland. It is an expression calculated to offend, provoke, and exasperate the Orangemen, however palatable to those whose hatred of Orangemen it predicates, and, to say the least, does not disapprove.

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