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people. Whether the public authorities of Spain of our advice, the Portuguese government waved did or did not partake of the national sentiment, its right under those treaties; very wisely rethere would almost necessarily grow up between flecting that it would be highly inconvenient to Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, be placed by the return of their deserters in the an opposition of feelings which it would not re- difficult alternative of either granting a dangerquire the authority or the suggestions of the ous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. government to excite and stimulate into action. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified Without blame, therefore, to the government of to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied il, inSpain-out of the natural antipathy between the stead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would two neighboring nations--the one prizing its re- restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and, cent freedom, the other hugging its traditionary separating the men from their officers, would reservitude—there might arise mutual provoca- move both from the frontiers into the interior of tions and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into the most active and vigilant ministry could not by the Spanish government to this effect-first altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe with Portugal, next with France, and afterward that such has been, in part at least, the origin with England. Those engagements, concluded of the differences between Spain and Portugal. one day, were violated the next. The deserters, That in their progress they have been adopted, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were matured, methodized, combined, and brought into allowed to remain congregated together near the more perfect action, by some authority more frontiers of Portugal, where they were enrolled, united and more efficient than the mere feeling trained, and disciplined for the expedition which disseminated through the mass of the communi- they have since undertaken. It is plain that in ty, is certain ; but I do believe their origin to these proceedings there was perfidy er

Apparent per have been as much in the real sentiment of the somewhere. It rests with the Span- dy on the part Spanish population, as in the opinion or contriv. ish government to show that it was "* ance of the government itself.

not with them. It rests with the Spanish gov. Whether this be or be not the case, is pre- ernment to prove that, if its engagements have If the govern. cisely the question between us and not been fulfilled-if its intentions have been has notacled in Spain. If, though partaking in the eluded and unexecuted the fault has not been

general feelings of the Spanish na. with the government, and that it is ready to make war on her. tion, the Spanish government has, every reparation in its power. nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feel. I have said that these promises were made to ings, and to direct them hostilely against Portu France and to Great Britain as well France and En.

all that has occurred on the frontiers | as to Portugal. I should do a great and has occurred only because the vigilance of the | injustice to France if I were not to conduct Spanish government has been surprised, its con- add, that the representations of that government fidence betrayed, and its orders neglected—if its upon this point to the cabinet of Madrid, have engagements have been repeatedly and shame- been as urgent, and, alas! as fruitless, as those fully violated, not by its own good-will, but of Great Britain. Upon the first irruption into against its recommendation and desire-let us the Portuguese territory, the French government see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs testified its displeasure by instantly recalling its of repentance, some measures indicative of sor- embassador; and it further directed its chargé row for the past, and of sincerity for the future. d'affaires to signify to his Catholic Majesty, In that case, his Majesty's message, to which I that Spain was not to look for any support from propose this night to return an answer of con- France against the consequences of this aggres. currence, will retain the character which I have sion upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in ascribed to it that of a measure of defense for justice to the French government, to state, that Portugal, not a measure of resentment against it has exerted itself to the utmost in urging Spain Spain.

to retrace the steps which she has so unfortu. With these explanations and qualifications, let nately taken. It is not for me to say whether

to us now proceed to the review of facts. any more efficient course might have been adopt. Facts as to existing dif Great desertions took place from the ed to give effect to their exhortations; but as tween Portu Portuguese army into Spain, and some to the sincerity and good faith of the exertions gal and Spain.

un desertions took place from the Spanish made by the government of France, to press army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Spain to the execution of her engagements, I Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; have not the shadow of a doubt, and I confidentbut in every subsequent instance, where they ly reckon upon their continuance. had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it! It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the is but just to say that they uniformly discour- step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in aged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery. what way she will meet it. The earnest hope There exist between Spain and Portugal spe and wish of his Majesty's government is, that cific treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender she may meet it in such a manner as to avert of deserters. Portugal bad, therefore, a right to any ill consequences to herself from the meas. claim of Spain that every Portuguese deserter ure into which we have been driven by the un. should be sorthwith sent back. I hardly know just attack upon Portugal. whether from its own impulse, or in consequence! Sir, I set out with saying that there were rea


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sons which entirely satisfied my judgment that which agitates more or less sensibly different Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national countries of the world, may be compared to that next great war in faith or national honor would justify, of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the one of opinions at the present moment, any volunta. poet : ry approximation to the possibility of war. Let

“Celsi sedet Æolus arce, me be understood, however, distinctly as not Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras; meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause Ni faciat, maria ac terras cælumque profundum (and in no other may it be the lot of this country Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras"? ever to engage !) from a distrust of the strength The consequence of letting loose the passions at of the country to commence it, or of her resour- present chained and confined, would be to proces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed--but upon duce a scene of desolation which no man can far other grounds: I dread it from an appre | contemplate without horror; and I should not hension of the tremendous consequences which sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that might arise from any hostilities in which we I had contributed to precipitate it by a single might now be engaged. Some years ago, in moment. the discussion of the negotiations respecting the This, then, is the reason—a reason very dil. French war against Spain, I took the liberty of ferent from fear-the reverse of a consciousness adverting to this topic. I then stated that the of disability--why I dread the recurrence of position of this country in the present state of hostilities in any part of Europe ; why I would the world was one of neutrality, not only be- bear much, and would forbear long; why I would tween contending nations, but between conflict- (as I have said) put up with almost any thing that ing principles; and that it was by neutrality did not touch national faith and national honor, alone that we could maintain that balance, the rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash preservation of which I believed to be essential of which we hold in our hands—not knowing to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I whom they may reach, or how far their ravages feared that the next war which should be kin- may be carried. Such is the love of peace which dled in Europe would be a war not so much of the British government acknowledges; and such armies as of opinions. Not four years have the necessity for peace which the circumstances elapsed, and behold my apprehension' realized ! of the world inculcate. I will push these topics It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this no further. war of opinion is at present confined; but it is I return, in conclusion, to the object of the a war of opinion that Spain (whether as govern- Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by ment or as nation) is now waging against Port- whomsoever attacked, because it is our duty to ugal; it is a war which has commenced in ha- do so; and let us cease our interference where tred of the new institutions of Portugal. How that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but abstain from retaliation ? If into that war this to defend and to preserve the independence of an country shall be compelled to enter, we shall | ally. We go to plant the standard of England enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where to mitigate rather than exasperate-and to min- that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall gle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more not come. fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may en- The House gave an almost unanimous sup deavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid port to an Address approving of the measures seeing ranked under her banners all the restless adopted; and the insurrection was at once supand dissatisfied of any nation with which she pressed in every part of Portugal. might come in conflict. It is the contemplation Mr. Canning gained very great and merited of this new power in any future war which ex- applause by this intervention in behalf of a concites my most anxious apprehension. It is one stitutional government. His prediction that the thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be | next great war in Europe would be one of opisanother to use it like a giant. The conscious ions, is yet to be accomplished; and events since ness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source | the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at of confidence and security ; but in the situation the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that in which this country stands, our business is not such a contest may not be far remote. to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to con

1 Æolus sits upon his lofty tower tent ourselves with letting the professors of vio

And holds the scepter, calming all their rage: lent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides Else would they bear sea, earth, and heaven profeel, that it is not their interest to convert an found umpire into an adversary. The situation of En- | In rapid flight, and sweep them through tbe air. gland, amid the struggle of political opinions |

Virgil's Æneid, book i., lines 56-9.


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Foreign Enlistment Bill. April 16, 1823.

of a war, then I say that the position we have

taken in the present instance is of more probable What, sir! is it to become a maxim with this efficacy than that in which we should have stood country that she is ever to be a belligerent? Is had we suffered ourselves to be drawn into a parshe never, under any possible state of circum- ticipation in the contest. Participation, did I stances, to remain neutral ? If this proposition say ? Sir! is there any man who hears me—is be good for any thing, it must run to this extent there any man acquainted with the history of the

—that our position, insulated as it is from all the country for the last twenty years, who does not
rest of the world, moves us so far from the scene know the way in which Great Britain has been
of continental warfare, that we ought always to accustomed to participate in a war? Do not
be belligerent—that we are bound to counteract gentlemen know that if we now enter into a war,
the designs of Providence, to reject the advanta- we must take the whole burden of it upon our-
ges of nature, and to render futile and erroneous selves, and conduct the whole force and exertions
the description of the poet, who has said, to our of the peninsula ? But supposing such to be our
honor, that we were less prone to war and tumult, course, how different must be our situation, as
on account of our happy situation, than the neigh compared with former periods. When we last
boring nations that lie conterminous with one an- became the defenders of Spain, we fought for and
other. But wherefore this dread of a neutrali- with a united people. What would be the case
ty? If gentlemen look to the page of history, at present ? Any interference on our parts in
they will find that for centuries past, whenever favor of Spain must commence with an attempt
there has been a war in Europe, we have almost to unite contending factions, and to stimulate men
always been belligerent. The fact is undoubt- of opposite interests and opposite feelings to one
edly so; but I am not prepared to lay it down as grand and simultaneous effort. Now I do not
a principle, that if, at the beginning of a war, we hesitate to say that the man who would under-
should happen to maintain a species of neutrali- take to do this under present circumstances, must
ty, it was an unnatural thing that we should do either be possessed of supernatural means of in-
so. Gentlemen say that we must be drawn into a formation, or of a hardihood which I may envy,
war, sooner or later. Why, then, I answer, let it but shall not attempt to imitate. I say that those
be later. I say, if we are to be drawn into a war, men will not consult the true dignity of the coun-
let us be drawn into it on grounds clearly Brit- try, who, finding fault with the part we have
ish. I do not say-God forbid I should—that it adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by endeav-
is no part of the duty of Great Britain to protect oring to make us perform that part amiss. Out
what is termed the balance of power, and to aid course is neutrality—strict neutrality; and in the
the weak against the insults of the strong. I name of God, let us adhere to it. If you dislike
say, on the contrary, that to do so is her bounden that course—if you think it injurious to the hon-
duty; but I affirm, also, that we must take care or or interests of the country-drive from their
to do our duty to ourselves. The first condition places those neutral ministers who have adopted
of engaging in any war-the sine quâ non of ev- | it; but until you are prepared to declare war,
ery such undertaking-is, that the war must be you are bound to adhere to and to act upon the
just; the second, that being just in itself, we can system which ministers have laid down.
also with justice engage in it; and the third, that I stated, a few evenings ago, that we could have
being just in its nature, and it being possible for no difficulty in the course which we had to pursue
us justly to embark in it, we can so interfere in observance of a strict neutrality. We have
without detriment or prejudice to ourselves. I spent much time in teaching other powers the
contend that he is a visionary politician who nature of a strict neutrality; and, generally speak-
leaves this last condition out of the question ; and ing, we found them most reluctant scholars. All
I say further, that though the glorious abandon- I now call upon the House to do, is to adopt the
ment of it may sound well in the generous speech same course which it has recommended to neu-
of an irresponsible orator—with the safety of a tral powers upon former occasions. If I wished
nation upon his lips, and none of the responsibil- for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should
ity upon his shoulders—it is matter deeply to be take that laid down by America in the days of
considered ; and that the minister who should lay | the Presidency of Washington and the Secreta-
it out of his view, in calling on the country to ryship of Jefferson
undertake a war, would well deserve that uni-
versal censure and reprobation with which the
noble Lord opposite has this night menaced me. I omur Kron'Sorreu

On the King's Speech. February 15, 1825.

fenom If it be wise for a government, though it can not prevent an actual explosion, to endeavor to cir- ! I now turn to that other part of the honorable cumscribe the limits, and to lessen the duration and learned gentleman's (Mr. Brougham) speech,

בגני אריה




in which he acknowledges his acquiescence in the ests, we took care to give no just cause of of passages of the address echoing the satisfaction fense to other powers. felt at the success of the liberal commercial principles adopted by this country, and at the steps

ON UNLAWFUL SOCIETIES IN IRELAND. FEBR0. taken for recognizing the new states of Ameri.

ARY 15, 1825. ca. It does happen, however, that the honorable and learned gentleman being not unfrequently a In the next place, are we prepared to say that speaker in this House, nor very concise in his these and other acts of the Catholic Association speeches, and touching occasionally, as he pro- have no tendency to excite and inflame animos ceeds, on almost every subject within the range ities? I affirm, without hesitation, that they of his imagination, as well as making some ob-have directly that tendency; and in support of servations on the matter in hand—and having at this affirmation I must beg leave to recur, hor. different periods proposed and supported every in-ever solemnly warned against the recurrence, to novation of which the law or Constitution of the an expression which I was the first to bring to country is susceptible—it is impossible to inno- the notice of the House, but which has been since vate, without appearing to borrow from him. Eithe subject of repeated animadversion ; I mean ther, therefore, we must remain forever absolutely the adjuration" by the hate you bear to Orange. locked up as in a northern winter, or we must men,” which was used by the association in their break our way out by some mode already sug- / address to the Catholics of Ireland.

ested by the honorable and learned gentleman, Various and not unamusing have been the at. and then he cries out, " Ah, I was there before tempts of gentlemen who take the part of the as. you! That is what I told you to do; but as you sociation, to get rid of this most unlucky phrase, would not do it then, you have no right to do it or at least to dilute and attenuate its obvious and now.” In Queen Anne's reign there lived a undeniable meaning. It is said to be unfair to very sage and able critic, named Dennis, who, in select one insulated expression as indicating the his old age, was the prey of a strange fancy, that general spirit of the proceedings of any public he had himself written all the good things in all body. Granted; if the expression had escaped the good plays that were acted. Every good in the heat of debate, if it had been struck or passage he met with in any author he insisted by the collision of argument, if it had been thrown was his own. "It is none of his," Dennis would forth in haste, and had been, upon reflection, realways say; "no, it's mine!” He went one called. But if the words are found in a document day to see a new tragedy. Nothing particularly which was prepared with care and considered good to his taste occurred, till a scene in which with deliberation—if it is notorious that they a great storm was represented. As soon as he were pointed out as objectionable when they were heard the thunder rolling over head, he exclaim- / first proposed by the framers of the address, but ed, “ That's my thunder!" So it is with the were, nevertheless, upon argument retained honorable and learned gentleman ; it's all his surely we are not only justified in receiving them thunder. It will benceforth be impossible to as an indication, at least, of the animus of those confer any boon, or make any innovation, but he who used them; but we should be rejecting the will claim it as his thunder. But it is due to best evidence of that animus, if we passed over him to acknowledge that he does not claim ev- so well-weighed a manifestation of it. ery thing; he will be content with the exclusive Were not this felt by honorable gentlemen on merit of the liberal measures relating to trade the other side to be true, we should not have seen and commerce. Not desirous of violating his them so anxious to put forced and fanciful conown principles, by claiming a monopoly of fore-structions on a phrase which is as plain in its sight and wisdom, he kindly throws overboard to meaning as any which the hand of man ever my honorable and learned friend (Sir J. Mackin wrote or the eye of man ever saw. The first tosh) near him, the praise of South America. 1 defense of this phrase was by an honorable mem. should like to know whether, in some degree, ber from Ireland, who told us that the words do this also is not his thunder. He thinks it right not convey the same meaning in the Irish lanitself; but lest we should be too proud if he ap-guage which we in England naturally attach to proved our conduct in toto, be thinks it wrong in them. I do not pretend to be conversant with point of time. I differ from him essentially; for the Irish language; and must, therefore, leave if I pique myself on any thing in this affair, it is that apology to stand for what it may be worth, the time. That, at some time or other, states on the learned gentleman's erudition and author. which had separated themselves from the mother ity. I will not follow every other gentleman country should or should not be admitted to the who has strained his faculties to explain away rank of independent nations, is a proposition to this unfortunate expression; but will come at which no possible dissent could be given. The once to my honorable and learned friend (Sir whole question was one of time and mode. There James Mackintosh), the member for Knaresbor. were two modes : one a reckless and headlong ough, to whom the palm in this contest of ingecourse, by which we might have reached our ob- nuity must be conceded by all his competitors. ject at once, but at the expense of drawing upon My honorable friend has expended abundant reus consequences not highly to be estimated; the search and subtilty upon this inquiry, and having other was more strictly guarded in point of prin- resolved the phrase into its elements in the craciple; so that, while we pursued our own inter- cible of his philosophical mind, has produced it

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to us purified and refined to a degree that must and learned friend; it might be the poor man's command the admiration of all who take delight only fault, and therefore clearly incorrigible. But in metaphysical alchemy. My honorable and if I had the good fortune to find out that he was learned friend began by telling us that, after all, also addicted to stealing, might I not, with a safe hatred is no bad thing in itself. "I hate a conscience, send him to my learned friend with a Tory," says my honorable friend—"and another very strong recommendation, saying, I send you man hates a cat; but it does not follow that he a man whom I know to be a drunkard; but I am would hunt down the cat, or I the Tory." Nay, happy to assure you he is also a thief: you can so far from it-hatred, if it be properly managed, not do better than employ him; you will make is, according to my honorable friend's theory, no his drunkenness counteract his thievery, and no bad preface to a rational esteem and affection. doubt you will bring him out of the conflict a It prepares its votaries for a reconciliation of dif- very moral personage. My honorable and learnferences-for lying down with their most invet-led friend, however, not content with laying down erate enemies, like the leopard and the kid, in these new rules for reformation, thought it right the vision of the prophet.

to exemplify them in his own person, and, like This dogma is a little startling, but it is not Pope's Longinus, to be "himself the great subaltogether without precedent. It is borrowed lime he drew.” My learned friend tells us that from a character in a play which is, I dare say, Dr. Johnson was what he (Dr. Johnson himself as great a favorite with my learned friend as it called a good hater; and that among the qualis with me--I mean the comedy of The Rivals ; ities which he hated most were two which my in which Mrs. Malaprop, giving a lecture on the honorable friend unites in his own person—that subject of marriage to her niece (who is unrea- of Whig and that of Scotchman. “So that,” says sonable enough to talk of liking as a necessary | my honorable friend, “if Dr. Johnson were alive, preliminary to such a union), says, “What have and were to meet me at the club, of which he you to do with your likings and your preferences, I was a founder, and of which I am now an unchild ? depend upon it, it is safest to begin with worthy member, he would probably break up the a little aversion. I am sure I hated your poor meeting rather than sit it out in such society.”' dear uncle like a blackamoor before we were No, sir, not so. My honorable and learned friend married; and yet you know, my dear, what a forgets his own theory. If he had been only a good wife I made him.” Such is my learned Whig, or only a Scotchman, Dr. Johnson might friend's argument to a hair.

have treated him as he apprehends; but being But finding that this doctrine did not appear both, the great moralist would have said to my to go down with the House so glibly as he had honorable friend, “Sir, you are too much of a expected, my honorable and learned friend pres-Whig to be a good Scotchman ; and, sir, you are ently changed his tack, and put forward a the too much of a Scotchman to be a good Whig.”' ory, which, whether for novelty or for beauty, I It is no doubt from the collision of these two vices pronounce to be incomparable; and, in short, as in my learned friend's person, that he has become wanting nothing to recommend it but a slight what I, and all who have the happiness of meetfoundation in truth. “True philosophy," says ing him at the club, find him-an entirely faultmy honorable friend, " will always contrive to less character. lead men to virtue by the instrumentality of their For my own part, however, I must say, that I conflicting vices. The virtues, where more than can not see any hope of obtaining the great morone exist, may live harmoniously together; but al victory which my learned friend has anticithe vices bear mortal antipathy to one another, pated-of winning men to the practice of virtue and therefore furnish to the moral engineer the by adjurations addressed to their peculiar vices. power by which he can make each keep the oth- I believe, after all these ratiocinations and refineer under control.” Admirable !—but, upon this ments, we must come back to the plain truth, doctrine, the poor man who has but one single which is felt even while it is devied—that the vice must be in a very bad way. No fulcrum, phrase "by the hate you bear to Orangemen, no moral power for effecting his cure. Where is an indefensible phrase ; that it is at leastas his more fortunate neighbor, who has two or what alone I am contending that it is—inconmore vices in his composition, is in a fair way of testable evidence of the allegation that the Cathbecoming a very virtuous member of society. Iolic Association does excite animosities in Irewonder how my learned friend would like to have land. It is an expression calculated to offend, this doctrine introduced into his domestic estab-provoke, and exasperate the Orangemen, how. lishment. For instance, suppose that I discharge ever palatable to those whose hatred of Orangea servant because he is addicted to liquor, I could men it predicates, and, to say the least, does not not venture to recommend him to my honorable disapprove.

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