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has never been seriously interrupted; but it has | Portugal. That convention, I say, was echter been renewed by repeated sanctions. It has poraneous with the migration to the Brazis:: been maintained under difficulties by which the step of great importance at the time, as rena. fidelity of other alliances were shaken, and has ing from the grasp of Bonaparte the soverein been vindicated in fields of blood and of glory. family of Braganza. Afterward, in the fear

That the alliance with Portugal has been al | 1810, when the seat of the King of Portugis No one has ever ways unqualifiedly advantageous to government was established at Rio de Jane felt that they this country that it has not been and when it seemed probable, in the then andere bruken off. sometimes inconvenient and some- ently hopeless condition of the affairs of Europe times burdensome-I am not bound nor prepared that it was likely long to continue there. the to maintain. But no British statesman, so far as. cret convention of 1807, of which the main ob I know, has ever suggested the expediency of ject was accomplished by the fact of the ecig shaking it off; and it is assuredly not at a mo- tion to Brazil, was abrogated, and a ner and ment of need that honor and, what I may be al- lic treaty was concluded, into which was trass lowed to call national sympathy, would permit ferred tbe stipulation of 1807, binding Gres us to weigh, with an over-scrupulous exactness, Britain, so long as his faithful Majesty sboog the amount of difficulties and dangers attendant be compelled to reside in Brazil, not to acknow!upon its faithful and steadfast observance. What | edge any other sovereign of Portugal tbar . feelings of national honor would forbid, is for member of the house of Braganza. That is bidden alike by the plain dictates of national ulation which had hitherto been secret, tbus bo faith.

came patent, and part of the known law of It is not at distant periods of history, and in tions. Solemnly re. by-gone ages only, that the traces of In the year 1814, in consequence of the bar newed nii 1815. the union between Great Britain and py conclusion of the war, the option was afort Portugal are to be found. In the last compact ed to the King of Portugal of returning to this of modern Europe, the compact which forms the European dominions. It was then felt tau as basis of its present international law-I mean the the necessity of his most faithful Majesty's sb treaty of Vienna of 1815—this country, with its sence from Portugal had ceased, the ground in eyes open to the possible inconveniences of the the obligation originally contracted in the secret connection, but with a memory awake to its past convention of 1807, and afterward transferred to benefits, solemnly renewed the previously exist the patent treaty of 1810, was removed. The ing obligations of alliance and amity with Portu-treaty of 1810 was, therefore, annulled at the gal. I will take leave to read to the House the Congress of Vienna ; and in lieu of the stipul. third article of the treaty concluded at Vienna, tion not to acknowledge any other sovereign of in 1815, between Great Britain on the one hand, Portugal than a member of the house of Brs. and Portugal on the other. It is couched in the ganza, was substituted that which I have is following terms: “The treaty of Alliance, con read to the House. cluded at Rio de Janeiro, on the 19th of Febru. Annalling the treaty of 1810, the treats of ary, 1810, being founded on circumstances of a Vienna renews and confirms (as the House ] temporary nature, which have happily ceased to bave seen) all former treaties between Great exist, the said treaty is hereby declared to be Britain and Portugal, describing them as - 23void in all its parts, and of no effect; without cient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarie prejudice, however, to the ancient treaties of alli- tee ;' as having “long and happily subsisted be. ance, friendship, and guarantee, which have so tween the two Crowns ;' and as being allowed. long and so happily subsisted between the two by the two high contracting parties, to remain Crowns, and which are hereby renewed by the "in full force and effect." high contracting parties, and acknowledged to be What, then, is the force-what is the effect of of full force and effect."

those ancient trcaties? I am pre- g ettant In order to appreciate the force of this stipu.pared to show to the House what it is the bat

lation-recent in point of time, re- is. But before I do so, I must say, fredes son connected with cent, also, in the sanction of Parlia-/ that is all the treaties to which this sect Pris

. ment—the House will, perhaps, al- | article of the treaty of Vienna resers, had perished low me to explain shortly the circumstances in by some convulsion of nature, or had by some es. reference to which it was contracted. In the traordinary accident been consigned to total oá. year 1807, when, upon the declaration of Bona- livion, still it would be impossible not to admit, as parte, that the house of Braganza had ceased to an incontestible inference from this article of the reign, the King of Portugal, by the advice of treaty of Vienna alone, that in a moral point of Great Britain, was induced to set sail for the view, there is incumbent on Great Britain, a de. Brazils; almost at the very moment of his most cided obligation to act as the effectual delender faithful Majesty's embarkation, a secret conven- of Portugal. If I could not show the letter of a tion was signed between his Majesty and the single antecedent stipulation, I should still conKing of Portugal, stipulating that, in the event tend that a solemn admission, only ten years old. of his most faithful Majesty's establishing the of the existence at that time of treaties of alseat of his government in Brazil, Great Britain liance, friendship, and guarantee," held Great would never acknowledge any other dynasty than Britain to the discharge of the obligations which that of the house of Braganza on the throne of that very description implies. But fortunately


that renewal.

two treaties.

there is no such difficulty in specifying the na-l of the treaties which I have quoted, it is possible ture of those obligations. All of the preceding to raise a question whether varia

Further discus treaties exist-all of them are of easy reference tion of circumstances or change of sion of these -all of them are known to this country, to times may not have somewhat relax." Spain, to every nation of the civilized world. ed its obligations. The treaty of 1661, it might They are so numerous, and their general result be said, was so loose and prodigal in the wordis so uniform, that it may be sufficient to select ing—it is so unreasonable, so wholly out of naonly two of them to show the nature of all. ture, that any one country should be expected to

The first to which I shall advert is the treaty defend another, even as itself ;' such stipulaBy treaty of 1661, which was concluded at the tions are of so exaggerated a character, as to reof 1661. time of the marriage of Charles the Sec- semble effusions of feeling, rather than enunciaond with the Infanta of Portugal. After reciting tions of deliberate compact. Again, with rethe marriage, and making over to Great Britain, spect to the treaty of 1703, if the case rested on in consequence of that marriage, first, a consid- that treaty alone, a question might be raised, erable sum of money, and, secondly, several im- whether or not, when one of the contracting parportant places, some of which, as Tangier, we no ties-Holland—had since so changed her relaJonger possess; but others of which, as Bombay, tions with Portugal, as to consider her obligations still belong to this country, the treaty runs thus : under the treaty of 1703 as obsolete-whether * In consideration of all which grants, so much to or not, I say, under such circumstances, the obthe benefit of the King of Great Britain and his ligation on the remaining party be not likewise subjects in general, and of the delivery of those void. I should not hesitate to answer both these important places to his said Majesty and his heirs objections in the negative. But, without enterforever, &c., the King of Great Britain does pro-ing into such a controversy, it is sufficient for me fess and declare, with the consent and advice of to say that the time and place for taking such obhis council, that he will take the interest of Port-jections was at the Congress at Vienna. Then ugal and all its dominions to heart, defending the and there it was that if you, indeed, considered same with his utmost power by sea and land, these treaties as obsolete, you ought frankly and even as England itself ;' and it then proceeds to fearlessly to have declared them to be so. But specify the succors to be sent, and the manner of then and there, with your eyes open, and in the sending them.

face of all modern Europe, you proclaimed anew I come next to the treaty of 1703, a treaty of the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and By treaty alliance cotemporaneous with the Me- guarantee, “so long subsisting between the of 1703. thuen treaty, which has regulated, for up-Crowns of Great Britain and Portugal," as still ward of a century, the commercial relations of" acknowledged by Great Britain," and still "of the two countries. The treaty of 1703 was a full force and effect." It is not, however, on spetripartite engagement between the States Gen- cific articles alone—it is not so much, General in. eral of Holland, England, and Portugal. The perhaps, on either of these ancient treat- ference as to

treaty obli. second article of that treaty sets forth, that “If ies, taken separately, as it is on the spir- gations. ever it shall happen that the Kings of Spain and it and understanding of the whole body of treatFrance, either the present or the future, that both ies, of which the essence is concentrated and preof them together, or either of them separately, served in the treaty of Vienna, that we acknowl. shall make war, or give occasion to suspect that edge in Portugal a right to look to Great Britain they intend to make war upon the kingdom of as her ally and defender. Portugal, either on the continent of Europe, or on This, sir, being the state, morally and politits dominions beyond the seas; her Majesty the ically, of our obligations toward Port- Pare Second. Queen of Great Britain, and the Lords the States | ugal, it is obvious that when Portugal, Thun protec:

tion now deGeneral, shall use their friendly offices with the in apprehension of the coming storm, manded. said Kings, or either of them, in order to persuade called on Great Britain for assistance, the only them to observe the terms of peace toward Port hesitation on our part could be—not whether that ugal, and not to make war upon it.” The third assistance was due, supposing the occasion for article declares, “That in the event of these good demanding it to arise, but simply whether that offices not proving successful, but altogether in occasion-in other words, whether the casus effectual, so that war should be made by the deris had arisen. aforesaid Kings, or by either of them upon Port-! I understand, indeed, that in some quarters it ugal, the above-mentioned powers of Great Brit has been imputed to his Majesty's Answer to the ain and Holland shall make war with all their ministers that an extraordinary delay some that the force upon the aforesaid Kings or King who shall intervened between the taking of the content carry hostile arms into Portugal; and toward determination to give assistance to slowly. that war which shall be carried on in Europe, Portugal and the carrying of that determination they shall supply twelve thousand men, whom into effect. But how stands the fact ? On Sunthey shall arm and pay, as well when in quarters day, the third of this month, we received from the as in action ; and the said high allies shall be Portuguese embassador a direct and formal de. obliged to keep that number of men complete, | mand of assistance against a hostile aggression by recruiting it from time to time at their own from Spain. Our answer was, that although expense."

rumors had reached us through France, bis MajI am aware, indeed, that with respect to either esty's government had not that accurate inform.

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ation—that official and precise intelligence of Chambers an extension of power for the reco facts-on which they could properly found an ap- tive government, and the permission to apply for plication to Parliament. It was only on last Fri- foreign succors, in virtue of ancient treaties in day night that this precise information arrived. the event of their being deemed necessary. The On Saturday his Majesty's confidential servants deputies gave the requisite authority by artis. came to a decision. On Sunday that decision mation; and an equally good spirit was mainreceived the sanction of his Majesty. On Mon- fested by the peers, who granted every parter day it was communicated to both Houses of Par- that the ministers could possibly require. They liament; and this day, sir, at the hour in which even went further, and, rising in a body from their I have the honor of addressing you, the troops seats, declared their devotion to their country. are on their march for embarkation.

and their readiness to give their personal sert. I trust, then, sir, that no unseemly delay is im-ices, if necessary, to repel any hostile invasion

putable to government. But un- The Duke de Cadaval, president of the Chamber, They were bound to have evidence doubtedly, on the other hand, when was the first to make this declaration, and the

the claim of Portugal for assistance minister who described this proceeding to me. -a claim clear, indeed, in justice, but at the said it was a movement worthy of the good dars same time fearsully spreading in its possible con- of Portugal!" sequences, came before us, it was the duty of his! I have thus incidentally disposed of tbe sozMajesty's government to do nothing on hearsay. posed imputation of delay in comply- Primer The eventual force of the claim was admitted ; ing with the requisition of the Portu. but a thorough knowledge of facts was necessa- guese government. The main ques. szedet. ry before the compliance with that claim could tion, however, is this : Was it obligatory upon us be granted. The government here labored un- to comply with that requisition ? In other words, der some disadvantage. The rumors which had the casus fæderis arisen? In our opinioni reached us through Madrid were obviously dis- had. Bands of Portuguese rebels, armed, equip torted, to answer partial political purposes; and red, and trained in Spain, had crossed the Spasthe intelligence through the press of France, ish frontier, carrying terror and devastation into though substantially correct, was, in particulars, their own country, and proclaiming sometimes vague and contradictory. A measure of grave the brother of the reigning Sovereign of Portaand serious moment could never be founded on gal, sometimes a Spanish Princess, and soos such authority; nor could the ministers come times even Ferdinand of Spain, as the rigbud down to Parliament until they had a confident occupant of the Portuguese throne. These rebassurance that the case which they had to lay els crossed the frontier, not at one point ouir, before the Legislature was true in all its parts. but at several points ; for it is remarkable that But there was another reason which induced the aggression, on which the original application

a necessary caution. In former in- | to Great Britain for succor was founded, is not delayed by the stances, when Portugal applied to the aggression with reference to which that apPortuguese this country for assistance, the whole plication has been complied with. government. power of ihe state in Portugal was The attack announced by the French news7avested in the person of the monarch. The ex-pers was on the north of Portugal, in

Portal pression of his wish, the manifestation of his de- the province of Tras-os-Montes; an ein sire, the putting forth of his claim, was sufficient official account of which has been re- cereais ground for immediate and decisive action on the ceived by his Majesty's government ters. part of Great Britain, supposing the casus fade-only this day. But on Friday an account was ris to be made out. But, on this occasion, in- received of an invasion in the south of Portugal, quiry was in the first place to be made whether, and of the capture of Villa Viciosa, a town lying according to the new Constitution of Portugal, on the road from the southern frontier to Lisbon the call upon Great Britain was made with the This new fact established eren more satisfactoconsent of all the powers and authorities compe- rily than a mere confirmation of the attack first tent to make it, so as to carry with it an assur-complained of would have done, the systematic ance of that reception in Portugal for our army, nature of the aggression of Spain against Portowhich the army of a friend and ally had a right to gal. One hostile irruption might have been made expect. Before a British soldier should put his by some single corps escaping from their quarfoot on Portuguese ground, nay, before he should ters—by some body of stragglers, who might leave the shores of England, it was our duty to have evaded the vigilance of Spanish authorities: ascertain that the step taken by the Regency of and one such accidental and unconnected act of Portugal was taken with the cordial concurrence violence might not have been conclusive evidence of the Legislature of that country. It was but of cognizance and design on the part of these anthis morning that we received intelligence of the thorities; but when a series of attacks are made proceedings of the Chambers at Lisbon, which along the whole line of a frontier, it is difficul establishes the fact of such concurrence. This to deny that such multiplied instances of hostiliintelligence is contained in a dispatch from Sir ty are evidence of concerted aggression. W. A'Court, dated 29th of November, of which If a single company of Spanish soldiers had I will read an extract to the House. “The day crossed the frontier in hostilo array, after the news arrived of the entry of the rebels there could not, it is presumed, be a spanish ese : into Portugal, the ministers demanded from the doubt as to the character of that in

That evidence

pature of the




litical state of

vasion. Shall bodies of men, armed, clothed, and l When I state this, it will be obvious to the regimented by Spain, carry fire and sword into House, that the vote for which I am in protecting the bosom of her unoflending neighbor, and shall about to call upon them, is a vote for Portugal, En.. it be pretended that no attack, no invasion has the defense of Portugal, not a vote for war on Spain. taken place, because, forsooth, these outrages are war against Spain. I beg the House to keep committed against Portugal by men to whom these two points entirely distinct in their conPortugal had given birth and nurture? What sideration. For the former I think I have said petty quibbling would it be to say, that an in- enough. , If, in what I have now further to say, vasion of Portugal from Spain was not a Spanish I should bear hard upon the Spanish government, invasion, because Spain did not employ her own I beg that it may be observed that, unjustifiable troops, but hired mercenaries to effect her pur- as I shall show their conduct to have been-conpose? And what difference 's it, except as an trary to the law of nations, contrary to the law aggravation, that the mercenaries in this in- of good neighborhood, contrary, I might say, to stance were natives of Portugal.

| the laws of God and man—with respect to PortI have already stated, and I now repeat, that ugal - still I do not mean to preclude a locus

w it never has been the wish or the pre pænitentia, a possibility of redress and reparaEngland will

rlere tension of the British government to in- tion. It is our duty to fly to the defense of PortPortuguests tersere in the internal concerns of the ugal, be the assailant who he may. And, be it

Portuguese nation, Questions of that remembered, that, in thus fulfilling the stipula. kind the Portuguese nation must settle among tion of ancient treaties, of the existence and obthemselves. But if we were to admit that hordes ligation of which all the world are aware, we, of traitorous refugees from Portugal, with Span- according to the universally admitted construcish arms, or arms furnished or restored to them tion of the law of nations, neither make war upon by Spanish authorities, in their hands, might put that assailant, nor give to that assailant, much off their country for one purpose, and put it on less to any other power, just cause of war against again for another-put it off for the purpose of ourselves. attack, and put it on again for the purpose of im- / Sir, the present situation of Portugal is so punity-if, I say, we were to admit this juggle, anomalous, and the recent years of Pare Third and either pretend to be deceived by it ourselves, her history are crowded with events View of the po. or attempt to deceive Portugal, into a belief that so unusual, that the House will, per- Portugal with

reference to there was nothing of external attack, nothing of haps, not think that I am unprofitably the duties of foreign hostility, in such a system of aggression wasting its time, if I take the liberty England.

-such pretense and attempt would, perhaps, be of calling its attention, shortly and succinctly, to only ridiculous and contemptible; if they did not those events, and to their influence on the politrequire a much more serious character from be ical relations of Europe. It is known that the ing employed as an excuse for infidelity to an consequence of the residence of the

Separation of cient friendship, and as a pretext for getting rid | King of Portugal in Brazil was to Brazil froin

Portugal of the positive stipulations of treaties.

raise the latter country from a colo " This, then, is the case which I lay before the nial to a metropolitan condition; and that, from But this is a House of Commons. Here is, on the the time when the King began to contemplate care facom one hand, an undoubted pledge of na- his return to Portugal, there grew up in Brazil abroad. tional faith—not taken in a corner- a desire of independence that threatened dissen. not kept secret between the parties, but publicly sion, if not something like civil contest, between recorded among the annals of history, in the face the European and American dominions of the of the world. Here are, on the other hand, un- house of Braganza. It is known, also, that Great deniable acts of foreign aggression, perpetrated, Britain undertook a mediation between Portugal indeed, principally through the instrumentality and Brazil, and induced the King to consent to a of domestic traitors, but supported with foreign separation of the two Crowns-confirming that means, instigated by foreign councils, and direct. of Brazil on the head of his eldest son. The ed to foreign ends. Putting these facts and this ink with which this agreement was written was pledge together, it is impossible that his Majesty scarcely dry, when the unexpected death of the should refuse the call that has been made upon King of Portugal produced a new state of things, him; nor can Parliament, I am convinced, refuse which reunited on the same head the two Crowns to enable his Majesty to fulfill his undoubted ob- which it had been the policy of England, as well ligations. I am willing to rest the whole ques- as of Portugal and of Brazil, to separate. On tion of to-night, and to call for the vote of the that occasion, Great Britain, and another EuroHouse of Commons upon this simple case, divest pean court closely connected with Brazil, tened altogether of collateral circumstances; from dered advice to the Emperor of Brazil, now bewhich I especially wish to separate it, in the come King of Portugal, which advice it can not minds of those who hear me, and also in the be accurately said that his Imperial Majesty fol. minds of others, to whom what I now say will lowed, because he had decided for himself before find its way. If I were to sit down this mo- it reached Rio de Janeiro; but in conformity with ment, without adding another word, I have no which advice, though not in consequence of it, doubt but that I should have the concurrence of his Imperial Majesty determined to abdicate the the House in the address which I mean to pro- Crown of Portugal in favor of his eldest daughpose.

ter. But the Emperor of Brazil had done more.

established in

What had not been foreseen—what would have ready acceptance which it has met with from all A constitution been beyond the province of any for orders of the Portuguese people. To that Coeal goveroment eign power to advise-his Imperial stitution, therefore, thus unquestioned in its orithe batter. Majesty had accompanied his abdica-gin, even by those who are most jealous of bey tion of the Crown of Portugal with the grant of institutions to that Constitution, thus sanctioned a free constitutional charter for that kingdom. in its outset by the glad and grateful aeclama.

It has been surmised that this measure, as well tions of those who are destined to live under itTin not done as the abdication which it accompa- to that Constitution, founded on principles, in a through Eo nied, was the offspring of our advice. great degree, similar to those of our own, though enice. No such thing-Great Britain did not differently modified—it is impossible tbai Eo. suggest this measure. It is not her duty nor glishmen should not wish well. But it would her practice to offer suggestions for the internal not be for us to force that Constitution on the regulation of foreign states. She neither ap- people of Portugal, if they were unwilling to reproved nor disapproved of the grant of a consti- ceive it, or if any schism should exist among the tutional charter to Portugal : her opinion upon Portuguese themselves, as to its fitness and conthat grant was never required. True it is, that geniality to the wants and wishes of the nation. the instrument of the constitutional charter was It is no business of ours to fight its battles. We brought to Europe by a gentleman of high trust go to Portugal in the discharge of a sacred obli. in the service of the British government. Sir C. gation, contracted under ancient and modera Stuart had gone to Brazil to negotiate the sepa- treaties. When there, nothing shall be done by ration between that country and Portugal. In us to enforce the establishment of the Constituaddition to his character of Plenipotentiary of tion; but we must take care that nothing shall Great Britain, as the mediating power, he had be done by others to prevent it from being fairly also been invested by the King of Portugal with carried into effect. Internally, let the Portuguese the character of his most faithful Majesty's Plen- settle their own affairs; but with respect to exipotentiary for the negotiation with Brazil. That ternal force, while Great Britain has an arm to negotiation had been brought to a happy conclu. raise, it must be raised against the efforts of any sion; and therewith the British part of Sir C. power that should attempt forcibly to control the Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C. choice, and fetter the independence of Portegal. Stuart was still resident at Rio de Janeiro, as the | Has such been the intention of Spain? WbetbPlenipotentiary of the King of Portugal, for nego-er the proceedings which have lately man

This com tiating commercial arrangements between Port- been practiced or permitted in Spain, mentirasse ugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was were aets of a government exercising that Sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was the usual power of prudence and foresight (withrequested by the Emperor of Brazil to be the out which a government is, for the good of the bearer to Portugal of the new constitutional char- people which live under it, no government at all, ter. His Majesty's government found no fault or whether they were the acts of some secret ilwith Sir C. Stuart for executing this commission; legitimate power—of some furious fanatical fae. but it was immediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart tion, over-riding the coupsels of the ostensible were allowed to remain at Lisbon, it might ap- government, defying it in the capital, and disopear, in the eyes of Europe, that England was beying it on the frontiers- I will not stop to inthe contriver and imposer of the Portuguese Con- quire. It is indifferent to Portugal, smarting us. stitution. Sir C. Stuart was, therefore, directed der her wrongs—it is indifferent to England, wbo to return home forthwith, in order that the Con- is called upon to avenge them—whether the pres. stitution, if carried into effect there, might plain ent state of things be the result of the intrigues ly appear to be adopted by the Portuguese na- of a faction, over which, if the Spanish governtion itself, not forced upon them by English in ment has no control, it ought to assume one as

soon as possible or of local authorities, over As to the merits, sir, of the new Constitution whom it has control, and for whose acts it must, The .nerits of of Portugal, I have neither the inten- therefore, be held responsible. It matters sot, the governow tion nor the right to offer any opinion. I say, from which of these sources the evil has the question. Personally, I may have formed one; arisen. In either case, Portugal must be probut as an English minister, all I have to say is, tected; and from England that protection is doe. “ May God prosper this attempt at the establish- It would be unjust, however, to the Spanish ment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and government, to say that it is only Free Escitations may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to | among the members of that govern- are obcat cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often ment that an unconquerable hatred Spanish people proved itself capable of discharging its duties of liberal institutions exists in Spain. However among the nations of the world !”

incredible the phenomenon may appear in this I, sir, am neither the champion nor the critic country, I am persuaded that a vast majority of It is acknowl of the Portuguese Constitution. But the Spanish nation entertain a decided attach: edged to be a it is admitted on all hands to have pro- ment to arbitrary power, and a predilection for and approved' ceeded from a legitimate source-a absolute government. The more liberal instituby the people.

consideration which has mainly recon- tions of countries in the neighborhood have poi ciled continental Europe to its establishment; and yet extended their influence into Spain, nor awakto us, as Englishmen, it is recommended by the ened any sympathy in the mass of the Spanish

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legitimate one,

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