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Such, I say, were the radical doctrines of Such the result 1648, and such the consequences to of radical reform. which they naturally led. If we are induced to admit the same premises now, who is it, I should be glad to know, that is to guarantee us against similar conclusions?

And this the

sentation

Such was the theory: the practical inferences|chisement of Grampound is to be the beginning were not tardy in their arrival after the theory. of a system of reform: while they know, But not on In a few weeks the House of Peers was voted and I hope mean as well as I do, not the principle of reforming useless. We all know what became of the to reform (in the sense of change) but the repreCrown. to preserve the Constitution. I would not delude the reformers, if I could; and it is quite useless to attempt a delusion upon persons quite as sagacious in their generation as any moderate reformers or anti-reformers of us all. They know full well that the Whigs have no more notion than I have of parting with the close boroughs. Not they, indeed! A large, and perhaps the larger, part of them are in their hands. Why, in the assembly to which you send me, gentlemen, some of those who sit on the same side with.me represent, to be sure, less popular places than Liverpool—but on the bench immediately over against me, I descry, among the most eminent of our rivals for power, scarce any other sort of representatives than members for close, or, if you will, for rotten boroughs. To suppose, therefore, that our political opponents have any thoughts of getting rid of the close boroughs, would be a gross delusion; and, I have no doubt, they will be quite as fair and open with the reformers on this point as I am.

These, then, are the reasons why I look with jealousy at schemes of parliamentary only consist reform. I look at them with still more ent scheme. jealousy, because, in one of the two classes of men who co-operate in support of that question, I never yet found any two individuals who held the same doctrines: I never yet heard any intelligible theory of reform, except that of the Radical reformers. Theirs, indeed, it is easy enough to understand. But as for theirs, I certainly am not yet fully prepared. I, for my part, will not consent to take one step, without knowing on what principle I am invited to take it, and (which is, perhaps, of more consequence) without declaring on what principle, I will not consent that any step, however harmless, shall

be taken.

out settling the

What more harmless than to disfranchise a No change to be corrupt borough in Cornwall, which attempted with has exercised its franchise amiss, principle on and brought shame on itself, and on which it is made. the system of which it is a part? Nothing. I have no sort of objection to doing, as Parliament has often done in such cases (supposing always the case to be proved), to disfranchising the borough, and rendering it incapable of abusing its franchise in future. But though I have no objection to doing this, I will not do it on the principle of speculative improvement. I do it on the principle of specific punishment for an offense. And I will take good care that no inference shall be drawn from my consent in this specific case, as to any sweeping concurrence in a scheme of general alteration.

properly dis

And why, gentlemen, is it that I am satisfied with a system which, it is said, no man It endangers can support who is not in love with the monarchy of England. corruption? Is it that I, more than any other man, am afraid to face a popular election? To the last question you can give the

answer.
self.

To the former I will answer for myI do verily believe, as I have already said, that a complete and persect democratical representation, such as the reformers aim at, can not exist as part of a mixed government. It may exist, and, for aught I know or care, may exist beneficially as a whole. But I am not sent to Parliament to inquire into the question whether a democracy or a monarchy be the best. My lot is cast under the British monarchy. Under that I have lived-under that I have seen my country flourish under that I have seen it enjoy as great a share of prosperity, of happiness, and Nay, I should think it highly disingenuous to of glory, as I believe any modification of human Boroughs suffer the Radical reformers to imagine society to be capable of bestowing; and I am that they had gained a single step to- not prepared to sacrifice or to hazard the fruit ward the admission of their theory, by of centuries of experience, of centuries of strugany such instance of particular animadversion ongles, and of more than one century of liberty, as proved misconduct. I consent to such disfran- perfect as ever blessed any country upon the chisement; but I do so, not with a view of fur-earth, for visionary schemes of ideal perfectibilithering the Radical system-rather of thwarting ty, or for doubtful experiments even of possible it. I am willing to wipe out any blot on the improvement. present system, because I mean the present system to stand. I will take away a franchise, because it has been practically abused; not because I am at all disposed to inquire into the origin or to discuss the utility of all such franchises, any more than I mean to inquire, gentlemen, into your titles to your estates. Disfranchising Grampound (if that is to be so), I mean to save Old Sarum.

franchised for their crimes.

The govern

ment to he

taken as it is.

I am, therefore, for the House of Commons as a part, and not as the whole, of the government. And as a part of the government, I hold it to be frantic to suppose, that from the election of members of Parliament you can altogether exclude, by any contrivance, even if it were desirable to do so, the influence of property, rank, talents, family connection, and whatever else, in the radical lanNow, sir, I think I deal fairly with the Radical guage of the day, is considered as intimidation reformers; more fairly than those who would or corruption. I believe that if a reform, to the suffer it to be supposed by them that the disfran-extent of that demanded by the Radical reform

ers, were granted, you would, before an annual | It is true, that if they found their way there, they election came round, find that there were new might endeavor to bring us to a sense of om connections grown up which you must again destroy, new influence acquired which you must dispossess of its authority; and that in these fruitless attempts at unattainable purity, you were working against the natural current of hu

man nature.

misdeeds, and to urge us to redeem our charac ter by some self-condemning ordinance; but would not the authority of their names, as our associates, have more than counterbalanced the force of their eloquence as our reformers?

But, gentlemen, I am for the whole Constitu tion. The liberty of the subject as much depends on the maintenance of the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown-on the acknowledg ment of the legitimate power of the other House of Parliament, as it does in upholding that s

I believe, therefore, that, contrive how you will, some such human motives of action will find room to operate in the election of members of Parliament. I think that this must and ought to be so, unless you mean to exclude from the concerns of the nation all inert wealth, all inact-preme power (for such is the power of the purse ive talent, the retired, the aged, and the infirm, all who can not face popular assemblies or engage in busy life; in short, unless you have found some expedient for disarming property of influence, without (what I hope we are not yet ripe for) the abolition of property itself.

I would have by choice-if the choice were Varied modes yet to be made-I would have in the of election best House of Commons great variety of for the House. interests, and I would have them find their way there by a great variety of rights of election; satisfied that uniformity of election would produce any thing but a just representation of various interests. As to the close boroughs, I know that through them have found their way into the House of Commons men whose talents have been an honor to their kind, and whose names are interwoven with the brightest periods in the history of their country. I can not think that system altogether vicious which has produced such fruits. Nor can I think that there should be but one road into that assembly, or that no man should be presumed fit for the deliberations of a Senate, who has not had the nerves previously to face the storms of the hustings.

I need not say, gentlemen, that I am one of the last men to disparage the utility and dignity of popular elections. I have good cause to speak of them in far different language. But, among numberless other considerations which endear to me the favors which I have received at your hands, I confess it is one that, as your representative, I am enabled to speak my genuine sentiments on this (as I think it) vital question of parliamentary reform, without the imputation of shrinking from popular canvass, or of seeking shelter for myself in that species of representation which, as an element in the composition of Parliament. I never shall cease to defend. In truth, gentlemen, though the question of reform is made the pretext of those persons who have vexed the country sit for boroughs. for some months, I verily believe that there are very few even of them who either give credit to their own exaggerations, or care much about the improvements which they recommend. Why, do we not see that the most violent of the reformers of the day are aiming at seats in that assembly, which, according to their own theories, they should have left to wallow in its own pollution, discountenanced and unredeemed?

The most violent reformers are willing to

in one sense of the word, though not in the sense of the resolution of 1648) which resides in the democratical branch of the Constitution. What ever beyond its just proportion was gained by one part, would be gained at the expense of the whole; and the balance is now, perhaps, as near. ly poised as human wisdom can adjust it. I fear to touch that balance, the disturbance of which must bring confusion on the nation.

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Gentlemen, I trust there are few, very few, reasonable and enlightened men ready such ret to lend themselves to projects of con- be tampered fusion. But I confess I very much with wish that all who are not ready to do so would consider the ill effect of any countenance given publicly or by apparent implication, to those whom in their hearts and judgments they de spise. I remember that most excellent and able man, Mr. Wilberforce, once saying in the House of Commons that he never believed an opposi tion really to wish mischief to the country; that they only wished just so much mischief as might drive their opponents out, and place themselves in their room." Now, gentlemen, I can not help thinking that there are some persons tampering with the question of reform something in the same spirit. They do not go so far as the reformers; they even state irreconcilable differences of opinion; but to a certain extent they agree, and even co-operate with them. They co-oper ate with them in inflaming the public feeling not only against the government, but against the sup port given by Parliament to that government, in the hope, no doubt, of attracting to themselves the popularity which is lost to their opponents, and thus being enabled to correct and retrieve the errors of a displaced administration. Vain and hopeless task to raise such a spirit and then to govern it! They may stimulate the steeds into fury, till the chariot is hurried to the brink of a precipice; but do they flatter themselves tha they can then leap in, and, hurling the incompe tent driver from his seat, check the reins just in time to turn from the precipice and avoid the fall? I fear they would attempt it in vain. The impulse once given may be too impetuous to be controlled; and intending only to change the guid ance of the machine, they may hurry it and themselves to irretrievable destruction.

May every man who has a stake in the country, whether from situation, from character, from wealth, from his family, and from the hopes of

his children-may every man who has a sense of the blessings for which he is indebted to the form of government under which he lives, see that the time is come at which his decision must be taken, and, when once taken, steadfastly acted upon-for or against the institutions of the British monarchy! The time is come at which there

is but that line of demarkation. On which side of that line we, gentlemen, shall range ourselves, our choice has long ago been made. In acting upon that our common choice, with my best efforts and exertions, I shall at once faithfully represent your sentiments, and satisfy my own judgment and conscience.

SPEECH

OF MR. CANNING, DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH, IN THE YEAR 1823.

INTRODUCTION.

MR. CANNING having visited Plymouth and inspected the Dock-yards in 1823, the freedom of the town was presented him through the Mayor and other public officers. He returned thanks in the following speech, which was much admired at the time not only for the political views which it expressed, but especially for his beautiful allusion to the ships in ordinary as an emblem of England while reposing in the quietude of peace.

SPEECH, &c.

British politician

Gentlemen, the end which I confess I have always had in view, and which ap- The views of a pears to me the legitimate object of pursuit to a British statesman, I can describe in one word. The lan- Britain.

should be con

fiued to the inter ests of Great

MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN,-I accept with thankfulness, and with greater satisfaction than I can express, this flattering testimony of your good opinion and good will. I must add that the value of the gift itself has been greatly enhanced by the manner in which your worthy and honor-guage of modern philosophy is wisely and dif able Recorder has developed the motives which suggested it, and the sentiments which it is intended to convey.

subject to

other nations of the earth, as any one who vaunts his philanthropy most highly; but I am contented to confess that, in the conduct of political affairs, the grand object of my contemplation is the interest of England.

This involves

fusely benevolent; it professes the perfection of our species, and the amelioration of the lot of all mankind. Gentlemen, I hope that my heart beats Gentlemen, your recorder has said very truly, as high for the general interest of humanity-I The life of ev that whoever in this free and enlight-hope that I have as friendly a disposition toward ery public man ened state, aims at political eminence, scrutiny. and discharges political duties, must expect to have his conduct scrutinized, and every action of his public life sifted with no ordinary jealousy, and with no sparing criticism; and such may have been my lot as much as that of other public men. But, gentlemen, unmerited obloquy seldom fails of an adequate, though perhaps tardy, compensation. I must think myself, as my honorable friend has said, eminently fortunate, if such compensation as he describes has fallen to me at an earlier period than to many others; if I dare flatter myself (as his partiality has flattered me), that the sentiments that you are kind enough to entertain for me, are in unison with those of the country; if, in addition to the justice done me by my friends, I may, as he has assured me, rely upon a candid construction, even from political opponents.

Success depends on very simple

But, gentlemen, the secret of such a result does not lie deep. It consists only in an honest and undeviating pursuit principles. of what one conscientiously believes to be one's public duty-a pursuit which, steadily continued, will, however detached and separate parts of a man's conduct may be viewed under the influence of partialities or prejudices, obtain for it, when considered as a whole, the approbation of all honest and honorable minds. Any man may occasionally be mistaken as to the means most conducive to the end which he has in view; but if the end be just and praiseworthy, it is by that he will be ultimately judged, either by his contemporaries or by posterity.

selfishness.

Not, gentlemen, that the interest of England is an interest which stands isolated and alone. The situation which she holds no principle of forbids an exclusive selfishness; her prosperity must contribute to the prosperity of other nations, and her stability to the safety of the world. But intimately connected as we are with the system of Europe, it does not follow that we are, therefore, called upon to mix ourselves on every occasion, with a restless and meddling activity, in the concerns of the nations which surround us. It is upon a just balance of conflicting duties, and of rival, but sometimes incompatible advantages, that a government must judge when to put forth its strength, and when to husband it for occasions yet to come.

great ultimate

Our ultimate object must be the peace of the world. That object may sometimes The peace of be best attained by prompt exertions the world the -sometimes by abstinence from in- object. terposition in contests which we can not prevent. It is upon these principles that, as has been most truly observed by my worthy friend, it did not appear to the government of this country to be necessary that Great Britain should mingle in the recent contest between France and Spain.

Your worthy recorder has accurately classed the persons who would have driven us into that contest. There were undoubtedly among them

now reposing on their shadows in perfect still

how soon, upon any call of patriotism, or of necessity, it would assume the likeness of an an mated thing, instinct with life and motion—how soon it would ruffle, as it were, its swelling plumage—how quickly it would put forth all its beauty and its bravery, collect its scattered elements of strength, and awaken its dormant thunder. Such as is one of these magnificent machines whes springing from inaction into a display of s

those who desired to plunge this country into the difficulties of war, partly from the hope that those difficulties would overwhelm the administration; but it would be most unjust not to admit that there were others who were actuated by nobler principles and more generous feelings, who would | have rushed forward at once from the sense of indignation at aggression, and who deemed that no act of injustice could be perpetrated from one end of the universe to the other, but that the sword of Great Britain should leap from its seab-might-such is England herself, while, apparent bard to avenge it. But as it is the province of ly passive and motionless, she silently concentrates law to control the excess even of laudable pas- the power to be put forth on an adequate occasion.“ sions and propensities in individuals, so it is the But God forbid that that occasion should arise. duty of government to restrain within due bounds After a war sustained for near a quarter of a centhe ebullition of national sentiment, and to regu- tury-sometimes single-handed, and with all Eolate the course and direction of impulses which it rope arranged at times against her, or at her side. can not blame. Is there any one among the latter England needs a period of tranquillity, and may class of persons described by my honorable friend enjoy it without fear of misconstruction. Leng (for to the former I have nothing to say) who con- may we be enabled, gentlemen, to improve the tinues to doubt whether the government did wise- blessings of our present situation, to cultivate the ly in declining to obey the precipitate enthusiasm arts of peace, to give to commerce, now reviv which prevailed at the commencement of the ing, greater extension, and new spheres of emcontest in Spain ? Is there any body who does ployment, and to confirm the prosperity now not now think that it was the office of govern- generally diffused throughout this island. Of ment to examine more closely all the various the blessing of peace, gentlemen, I trust that bearings of so complicated a question, to consider this borough, with which I have now the honor whether they were called upon to assist a united and happiness of being associated, will receive nation, or to plunge themselves into the internal an ample share. I trust the time is not far dis feuds by which that nation was divided-to aid tant, when that noble structure of which as I in repelling a foreign invader, or to take part in learn from your Recorder, the box with which a civil war? Is there any man that does not now you have honored me, through his hands, formed see what would have been the extent of burdens a part, that gigantic barrier against the fury of that would have been cast upon this country? the waves that roll into your harbor, will protect Is there any one who does not acknowledge that, a commercial marine not less considerable in its under such circumstances the enterprise would kind than the warlike marine of which your port have been one to be characterized only by a term has been long so distinguished an asylum, when borrowed from that part of the Spanish literature the town of Plymouth will participate in the com with which we are most familiar-Quixotic; an mercial prosperity as largely as it has hitherto enterprise romantic in its origin, and thankless done in the naval glories of England. in the end?

But peace should be Bought by

for war.

But while we thus control even our feelings by our duty, let it not be said that we cultivate peace either because we fear, being ready or because we are unprepared for war; on the contrary, if eight months ago the government did not hesitate to proclaim that the country was prepared for war, if war should be unfortunately necessary, every month of peace that has since passed has but made us so much the more capable of exertion. The resources created by peace are means of war. In cherishing those resources, we but accumulate those means. Our present repose is no more a proof of inability to act, than the state of inertness and inactivity in which I have seen those mighty masses that float in the waters above your town, is a proof that they are devoid of strength, and incapable of being fitted out for action. You well know, gentlemen, how soon one of those stupendous masses,

1 See this subject explained in the introduction to Mr. Brougham's speech respecting it, page 904.

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2 It will interest the reader to compare this pas sage with one conceived in the same spirit by the poet Campbell, on the launching of a ship of the line. Those who have ever witnessed the spectacle forgive me for adding this to the examples of the of the launching of a ship of the line will perhaps sublime objects of artificial life. Of that spectacle I can never forget the impression, and of having wit nessed it reflected from the faces of ten thousand spectators. They seem yet before me--I sympathize with their deep and silent expectation, and with their final burst of enthusiasm. It was not a vulgar joy, but an affecting national solemnity. When the vast bulwark sprang from her cradle, the calm water on which she swung majestically round, gave the im agination a contrast of the stormy element on which she was soon to ride. All the days of battle, and the nights of danger which she had to encounter all the ends of the earth which she had to visit-and all that she had to do and to suffer for her country, rose in awful presentiment before the mind; and when the heart gave her a benediction, it was like one pronounced on a living being."-Essay on Ew glish Poetry.

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SPEECH

OF MR. CANNING ON AFFORDING AID TO PORTUGAL WHEN INVADED FROM SPAIN, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 12, 1826.

INTRODUCTION.

ENGLAND had been for nearly two centuries the ally and protector of Portugal, and was bound to defend her when attacked.

In 1826, a body of absolutists, headed by the Queen Dowager and the Marquess of Chaves, attempted to destroy the existing Portuguese government, which had been founded on the basis of constitutional liberty. This government had been acknowledged by England, France, Austria, and Russia. It was, however, obnoxious to Ferdinand, king of Spain; and Portugal was invaded from the Spanish territory by large bodies of Portuguese absolutists, who had been there organized with the connivance, if not the direct aid, of the Spanish government.

The Portuguese government now demanded the assistance of England. Five thousand troops were, therefore, instantly ordered to Lisbon, and Mr. Canning came forward in this speech to explain the reasons of his prompt intervention. "This," says his biographer, "is the master-piece of his eloquence. In propriety and force of diction-in excellence of appropriate and well-methodized arrangement-in elevation of style and sentiment; and in all the vigorous qualities of genuine manly eloquence-boldness-judgment -firmness, it fully sustains its title to the high eulogy given it by Mr. Brougham at the close of the debate."

SPEECH, &c.

MR. SPEAKER. In proposing to the House of Design of the Commons to acknowledge, by an hum- | speaker. ble and dutiful address, his Majesty's most gracious message, and to reply to it in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments and a fulfillment of the anticipations of that message, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me, as a British minister, recommending to Parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.

tertained of the

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In order to bring the matter which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of Fart First. the House, in the shortest and clearest Treaty oblimanner, I beg leave to state it, in the Portugal. first instance, divested of any collateral consider

gations to

It is a case of law and of fact: of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion, as impossible for Parliament, as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light; or to come to any but one conclusion upon it.

I can assure the House, that there is not withHigh sense en. in its walls any set of men more deep-ations. importance of ly convinced than his Majesty's minpeace. isters-nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honor of addressing you-of the vital importance of the continuance of peace to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down that I declare there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy-no opportunity of present national advantage-no precaution against remote difficulty-which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on Parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of English history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported-I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which can not be either compromised, passed over, or adjourn

Early origin

gations.

Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country has been connected with the other nations of those obliof Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the house of Braganza to the throne of Portugal-it derived, however, fresh vigor from that event; and never, from that epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance

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