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and that the people were grown at last wise only to thin the ranks of mankind, and to disburenough to discern the fraud and to prefer hon- den the world of the multitudes that inhabit it; est commerce, by which all may be gainers, to and is perhaps the strongest proof of political a game by which the greatest number must cer- sagacity that our new ministers have yet exhibtainly be losers.

ited. They well know, my lords, that they are The lotteries, my Lords, which former minis. universally detested, and that, whenever a Briton ters have proposed, have always been censured is destroyed, they are freed from an enemy; they by those who saw their nature and their tend- have therefore opened the flood-gates of gin upon ency. They have been considered as legal the nation, that, when it is less numerous, it may cheats, by which the ignorant and the rash are be more easily governed. defrauded, and the subtle and avaricious often Other ministers, my Lords, who had not atenriched; they have been allowed to divert the tained to so great a knowledge in the art of makpeople from trade, and to alienate them from ing war upon their country, when they found useful industry. A man who is uneasy in his their enemies clamorous and bold, used to awe circumstances and idle in his disposition, collects them with prosecutions and penalties, or destroy the remains of his fortune and buys tickets in a them like burglars, with prisons and with gibbets. lottery, retires from business, indulges himself in But every age, my Lords, produces some imlaziness, and waits, in some obscure place, the provement; and every nation, however degenevent of his adventure. Another, instead of em-erate, gives birth, at some happy period of time, ploying his stock in trade, rents a garret, and to men of great and enterprising genius. It is makes it his business, by false intelligence and our fortune to be witnesses of a new discovery chimerical alarms, to raise and sink the price of in politics. We may congratulate ourselves tickets alternately, and takes advantage of the upon being contemporaries with those men, who lies which he has himself invented.

have shown that hangmen and halters are unnecSucb, my Lords, is the traffic that is produced | essary in a state; and that ministers may escape by this scheme of getting money; nor were the reproach of destroying their enemies by inthese inconveniences unknown to the present citing them to destroy themselves. ministers in the time of their predecessors, whom This new method may, indeed, have upon difthey never ceased to pursue with the loudest ferent constitutions a different operation; it may clamors whenever the exigencies of the govern destroy the lives of some and the senses of othment reduced them to a lottery

ers; but either of these effects will answer the If I, my Lords, might presume to recommend purposes of the ministry, to whom it is indifferto our ministers the most probable method of lent, provided the nation' becomes insensible, raising a large sum for the payment of the troops whether pestilence or lunacy prevails among of the Electorate, I should, instead of the tax and them. Either mad or dead the greatest part of lottery now proposed, advise them to establish the people must quickly be, or there is no hope a certain number of licensed wheel-barrows, on of the continuance of the present ministry. which the laudable trade of thimble and button For this purpose, my Lords, what could have might be carried on for the support of the war, been invented more efficacious than an establishand shoe-boys might contribute to the defense of ment of a certain number of shops at which poi. the house of Austria by raffing for apples. son may be vended-poison so prepared as to

Having now, my Lords, examined, with the please the palate, while it wastes the strength, utmost candor, all the reasons which have been and only kills by intoxication? From the first offered in defense of the bill, I can not conceal instant that any of the enemies of the ministry the result of my inquiry. The arguments have shall grow clamorous and turbulent, a crafty had so little effect upon my understanding, that, hireling may lead him to the ministerial slaughas every man judges of others by himself, I can ter-house, and ply him with their wonder-worknot believe that they have any influence even ing liquor till he is no longer able to speak or upon those that offer them, and therefore I am think; and, my Lords, no man can be more convinced that this bill must be the result of agreeable to our ministers than he that can neiconsiderations which have been hitherto conceal. ther speak nor think, except those who speak ed, and is intended to promote designs which are without thinking. never to be discovered by the authors before But, my Lords, the ministers ought to reflect, their execution.

that though all the people of the present age are With regard to these motives and designs, their enemies, yet they have made no trial of the howerer artfully concealed, every Lord in this temper and inclinations of posterity. Our sucHouse is at liberty to offer his conjectures. cessors may be of opinions very different from

When I consider, my lords, the tendency of ours. They may perhaps approve of wars on this bill, I find it calculated only for the propa- the Continent, while our plantations are insulted gation of diseases, the suppression of industry, and our trade obstructed; they may think the and the destruction of mankind. I find it the support of the house of Austria of more importmost fatal engine that ever was pointed at a pee ance to us than our own defense; and may perple; an engine by which those who are not kill. haps so far differ from their fathers, as to imaged will be disabled, and those who preserve their ine the treasures of Britain very properly emlimbs will be deprived of their senses.

ployed in supporting the troops, and increasing This bill therefore, appears to be designed the splendor, of a foreign Electorate.


The name of Chatham is the representative, in our language, of whatever is bold and commanding in eloquence. Yet his speeches are so imperfectly reported, that it is not so much from them as from the testimony of his contemporaries, that we have gained our conceptions of his transcendent powers as an orator. We measure his greatness, as we do the height of some inaccessible cliff, by the shadow it casts behind. Hence it will be proper to dwell more at large on the events of his political life; and especially to collect the evidence which has come down to us by tradition, of his astonishing sway over the British Senate.

WILLIAM Pitt, first Earl of Chatham, was descended from a family of high respectability in Cornwall, and was born at London, on the 15th of November, 1708. At Eton, where he was placed from boyhood, he was distinguished for the quickness of his parts and for his habits of unwearied application, though liable, much of his time, to severe suffering from a hereditary gout. Here he acquired that love of the classics which he carried with him throughout life, and which operated so powerfully in forming his character as an orator. He also formed at Eton those habits of easy and animated conversation for which he was celebrated in after life. Cut off by disease from the active sports of the school, he and Lord Lyttleton, who was a greater invalid than himself, found their chief enjoyment during the intervals of study, in the lively interchange of thought. By the keenness of their wit and the brilliancy of their imaginations, they drew off their companions, Fox, Hanbury Williams, Fielding, and others, from the exercises of the play-ground, to gather around them as eager listeners; and gained that quickness of thought, that dexterity of reply, that ready self-possession under a sudden turn of argument or the sharpness of retort, which are indispensable to success in public debate. Almost every great orator has been distinguished for his conversational powers.

At the age of eighteen, Mr. Pitt was removed to the University of Oxford. Here, in connection with his other studies, he entered on that severe course of rhetorical training which he often referred to in after life, as forming so large a part of his early discipline. He took up the practice of writing out translations from the ancient orators and historians, on the broadest scale. Demosthenes was his model ; and we are told that he rendered a large part of his orations again and again into English, as the best means of acquiring a forcible and expressive style. The practice was highly recommended by Cicero, from his own experience. It aids the young orator far more effectually in catching the spirit of his model, than any course of mere reading, however fervent or repeated. It is, likewise, the severest test of his command of language. To clothe the thoughts of another in a dress which is at once “close and easy" (an excellent, though quaint description of a good translation) is a task of extreme difficulty. As a means of acquiring copiousness of diction and an exact choice of words, Mr. Pitt also read and re-read the sermons of Dr. Barrow, till he knew many of them by heart. With the same view, he performed a task to which, perhaps, no other student in oratory has ever submitted. He went twice through the folio Dictionary of Bailey (the best before that of Johnson), examining each word attentively, dwelling on its peculiar import and modes of construction, and thus endeavoring to bring the whole range of our language completely under his control. At this time, also, he began those exercises in elocution by which he is known to have obtained his extraordinary powers of delivery. Though gifted by nature with a commanding voice and person, he spared no effort to add every thing that art could confer for his improvement as an orator. His success was commensurate with his zeal. Garrick himself was not a greater actor, in that higher sense of the term in which Demosthenes declared action to be the first, and second, and third thing in oratory. The labor which he bestowed on these exercises was surprisingly great. Probably no man of genius since the days of Cicero, has ever submitted to an equal amount of drudgery.

Leaving the University a little before the regular time of graduation, Mr. Pitt traveled on the Continent, particularly in France and Italy. During this tour, he enriched his mind with a great variety of historical and literary information, making every thing subservient, however, to the one great object of preparing for public life. “He thus acquired,” says Lord Chesterfield, “a vast amount of premature and useful knowledge.” On his return to England, he applied a large part of his slender patrimony to the purchase of a commission in the army, and became a Cornet of the Blues. This made him dependent on Sir Robert Walpole, who was then Prime Minister ; but, with his characteristic boldness and disregard of consequences, he took his stand, about this time, in the ranks of Opposition. Walpole, by his jeal. ousy, had made almost every man of talents in the Whig party his personal enemy. His long continuance in office, against the wishes of the people, was considered a kind of tyranny; and young men like Pitt, Lyttleton, &c., who came fresh from college, with an ardent love of liberty inspired by the study of the classics, were naturally drawn to the standard of Pulteney, Carteret, and the other leading “ Patriots," who declaimed so vehemently against a corrupt and oppressive government. The Prince of Wales, in consequence of a quarrel with his father, had now come out as head of the Opposition. A rival court was established at Leicester House, within the very precincts of St. James's Palace, which drew together such an assemblage of wits, scholars, and orators, as had never before met in the British empire. Jacobites, Tories, and Patriots were here united. The insidious, intriguing, but highlygifted Carteret; the courtly Chesterfield ; the impetuous Argyle; Pulteney, with a keenness of wit, and a familiarity with the classics which made him as brilliant in conversation as he was powerful in debate ; Sir John Barnard, with his strong sense and penetrating judgment; Sir William Wyndham, with his dignified sentiments and lofty bearing ; and “the all-accomplished Bolingbroke, who conversed in language as elegant as that he wrote, and whose lightest table-talk, if transferred to paper, would, in its style and matter, have borne the test of the severest criticism"

-these, together with the most distinguished literary men of the age, formed the court of Frederick, and became the intimate associates of Mr. Pitt. On a mind so ardent and aspiring, so well prepared to profit by mingling in such society, so gifted with the talent of transferring to itself the kindred excellence of other minds, the company of such men must have acted with extraordinary power; and it is probable that all his rhetorical studies had less effect in making him the orator that he was, than his intimacy with the great leaders of the Opposition at the court of the Prince of Wales.

Mr. Pitt became a member of Parliament in 1735, at the age of twenty-six. For nearly a year he remained silent, studying the temper of the House, and waiting for a favorable opportunity to come forward. Such an opportunity was presented by the marriage of the Prince of Wales, in April, 1736. It was an event of the highest interest and joy to the nation ; but such was the King's animosity against his son, that he would not suffer the address of congratulation to be moved, as usual, by the ministers of the Crown. The motion was brought forward by Mr. Pulteney; and it shows the high estimate put upon Mr. Pitt, that, when he had not as yet opened his lips in Parliament, he should be selected to second the motion, in preference to some of the most able and experienced members of the House. His speech was received with the highest applause, and shows that Mr. Pitt's imposing manner and fine command of language gave him from the first that sort of fascination for his audience, which he seemed always to exert over a popular assembly. The speech, which will be found below, if understood literally, is only a series of elegant and high-sounding compliments. If, however, as seems plainly the case, there runs throughout it a deeper meaning ; if the glowing panegyric on “the filial virtue" of the Prince, and “ the tender paternal delight” of the King, was intended to reflect on George II. for his harsh treatment of his son—and it can hardly be otherwise-we can not enough admire the dexterity of Mr. Pitt in so managing his subject, as to give his compliments all the effect of the keenest irony, while yet he left no pretense for taking notice of their application as improper or disrespectful. Certain it is that the whole speech was wormwood and gall to the King. It awakened in his mind a personal hatred of Mr. Pitt, which, aggravated as it was by subsequent attacks

of a more direct nature, excluded him for years from the service of the Crown, until · he was forced upon a reluctant monarch by the demands of the people.

Sir Robert Walpole, as might be supposed, listened to the eloquence of his youthful opponent with anxiety and alarm; and is said to have exclaimed, after hearing the speech, “ We must, at all events, muzzle that terrible Cornet of Horse." Whether he attempted to bribe him by offers of promotion in the army (as was reported at the time), it is impossible now to say ; but finding him unalterably attached to the Prince and the Opposition, he struck the blow without giving him time to make another speech, and deprived him of his commission within less than eighteen days. Such a mode of punishing a political opponent has rarely been resorted to, under free governments, in the case of military and naval officers. It only rendered the Court more odious, while it created a general sympathy in favor of Mr. Pitt, and turned the attention of the public with new zest and interest to his speeches in Parliament. Lord Lyttleton, at the same time, addressed him in the following lines, which were eagerly circulated throughout the country, and set him forth as already leader of the Opposition.

Long had thy virtues marked thee out for fame,
Far, far superior to a Cornet's name;
This generous Walpole saw, and grieved to find
So mean a post disgrace the human mind,
The servile standard from the free-born band

He took, and bade thee lead the Patriot Band. As a compensation to Mr. Pitt for the loss of his commission, the Prince appointed him Groom of the Bed-chamber at Leicester House.

Thus, at the age of twenty-seven, Mr. Pitt was made, by the force of his genius and the influence of concurrent circumstances, one of the most prominent members of Parliament, and an object of the liveliest interest to the great body, especially the middling classes, of the English nation. These classes were now rising into an importance never before known. They regarded Sir Robert Walpole, sustained as he was in power by the will of the sovereign and the bribery of Parliament, as their natural enemy. Mr. Pitt shared in all their feelings. He was the exponent of their principles. He was, in truth, “ the Great Commoner." As to many of the measures for which Walpole was hated by the people and opposed by Mr. Pitt, time has shown that he was in the right and they in the wrong. It has also shown, that nearly all the great leaders of the Opposition, the Pulteneys and the Carterets, were unprincipled men, who played on the generous sympathies of Pitt and Lyttleton, and lashed the prejudices of the nation into rage against the minister, simply to obtain

his place. Still the struggle of the people, though in many respects a blind one, was prompted by a genuine instinct of their nature, and was prophetic of an onward movement in English society. It was the Commons of England demanding their place in the Constitution ; and happy it was that they had a leader like Mr. Pitt, to represent their principles and animate their exertions. To face at once the Crown and the Peerage demanded not only undaunted resolution, but something of that imperious spirit, that haughty self-assertion, which was so often complained of in the greatest of English orators. In him, however, it was not merely a sense of personal superiority, but a consciousness of the cause in which he was engaged. He was set for the defense of the popular part of the Constitution.

In proceeding to trace briefly the course of Mr. Pitt as a statesman, we shall divide his public life into distinct periods, and consider them separately with reference to his measures in Parliament.

The first period consists of nearly ten years, down to the close of 1744. During the whole of this time, he was an active member of the Opposition, being engaged for nearly seven years in unwearied efforts to put down Sir Robert Walpole, and when this was accomplished, in equally strenuous exertions for three years longer, to resist the headlong measures of his successor, Lord Carteret. This minister had rendered himself odious to the nation by encouraging the narrow views and sordid policy of the King, in respect to his Continental possessions. George II. was born in Hanover, and he always consulted its interests at the expense of Great Britain; seeking to throw upon the national treasury the support of the Hanoverian troops during his wars on the Continent, and giving the Electorate, in various other ways, a marked preference over the rest of the empire. To these measures, and the minister who abetted them, Mr. Pitt opposed himself with all the energy of his fervid argumentation, and the force of his terrible invective. It was on this subject that he first came into collision, December 10th, 1742, with his great antagonist Murray, afterward Lord Mansfield. Mr. Oswald, a distinguished literary man who was present, thus describes the two combatants : "Murray spoke like a pleader, who could not divest himself of the appearance of having been employed by others. Pitt spoke like a gentleman-like a statesman who felt what he said, and possessed the strongest desire of conveying that feeling to others, for their own interest and that of their country. Murray gains your attention by the perspicuity of his statement and the elegance of his diction ; Pitt commands your attention and respect by the nobleness and greatness of his sentiments, the strength and energy of his expressions, and the certainty of his always rising to a greater elevation both of thought and sentiment. For, this talent he possesses, beyond any speaker I ever heard, of never falling from the beginning to the end of his speech, either in thought or expression. And as in this session he has begun to speak like a man of business as well as an orator, he will in all probability be, or rather is, allowed to make as great an appearance as ever man did in that House."

Mr. Pitt incessantly carried on the attack upon Carteret, who, strong in the King's favor, was acting against the wishes of his associates in office. He exclaimed against him as “a sole minister, who had renounced the British nation, and seemed to have drunk of that potion described in poetic fictions, which made men forget their country.” He described the King as "hemmed in by German officers, and one English minister without an English heart." It was probably about this time that he made his celebrated retort on Sir William Yonge, a man of great abilities but flagitious life, who had interrupted him while speaking by crying out “Question ! Question !" Turning to the insolent intruder with a look of inexpressible disgust, he exclaimed, "Pardon me, Mr. Speaker, my agitation! When that gentleman calls for the question, I think I hear the knell of my country's ruin.” Mr. Pitt soon

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