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tended, at least, to be ready to join our army. I have heard, however, that they found a pretext for never coming into the line; and I doubt much if they would have marched with us to attack the French army in their own territories, or to invest any of the fortified places; for I must observe that the French lines upon the Queich were not all of them within the territories of France. But suppose this Dutch detachment had been ready to march with us to attack the French in their own territories, or to invest some of their fortified places, I can not join in any congratulation upon that event; for a small detachment of Dutch troops can never enable us to execute the vast scheme we have undertaken. The whole force of that republic would not be sufficient for the purpose, because we should have the majority of the empire against us; and, therefore, if the Dutch had joined totis viribus3 in our scheme, instead of congratulating, I should have bemoaned their running mad by our example and at our instigation.

IV. Having now briefly examined our past Prospects for conduct, from the few remarks I have the future. made, I believe, sir, it will appear that, supposing our scheme to be in itself possible and practicable, we have no reason to hope for success if it be not prosecuted with more vigor and with better conduct than it was during the last campaign. While we continue in the prosecution of this scheme, whoever may lose, the Hanoverians will be considerable gainers. They will draw four or five hundred thousand pounds yearly from this nation over and above what they have annually drawn, ever since they had the good fortune to be united under the same sovereign with ourselves. But we ought to consider even the Hanoverians ought to consider -that this nation is not now in a condition to carry on an expensive war for ten or twelve years, as it did in the reign of Queen Anne. We may fund it out for one, two, or three years; but the public debt is now so large that, if we go on adding millions to it every year, our credit will at last (sooner, I fear, than some among us may imagine) certainly be undone; and if this misfortune should occur, neither Hanover nor any other foreign state would be able to draw another shilling from the country. A stop to our public credit would put an end to our paper currency. A universal bankruptcy would ensue, and all the little ready money left among us would be locked up in iron chests, or hid in by-corners by the happy possessors. It would then be impossible to raise our taxes, and consequently impossible to maintain either fleets or armies. Our troops abroad would be obliged to enter into the service of any prince that could maintain them, and our troops at home would be obliged to live upon free quarter. But this they could not do long; for the farmer would neither sow nor reap if he found his produce taken from him by the starving soldier. In these circumstances, I must desire the real friends of our

With all their forces.

present happy establishment to consider what might be the consequence of the Pretender's landing among us at the head of a French army. Would he not be looked upon by most men as a savior? Would not the majority of the people join with him, in order to rescue the nation from those that had brought it into such confusion? This danger, sir, is, I hope, imaginary, but I am sure it is far from being so imaginary as that which has been held out in this debate, the danger of all the powers of the continent of Europe being brought under such a slavish dependence upon France as to join with her in conquering this island, or in bringing it under the same slavish dependence with themselves.

I had almost forgotten, sir (I wish future nations may forget), to mention the Treaty of Worms. I wish that treaty could be erased from our annals and our records, so as never to be mentioned hereafter: for that treaty, with its appendix, the convention that followed, is one of the most destructive, unjust, and absurd that was ever concluded. By that treaty we have taken upon ourselves a burden which I think it impossible for us to support; we have engaged in such an act of injustice toward Genoa as must alarm all Europe, and give to the French a most signal advantage. From this, sir, all the princes of Europe will see what regard we have to justice when we think that the power is on our side; most of them, therefore, will probably join with France in curtailing our power, or, at least, in preventing its increase.

fensive alliance, concluded on the 2d of September,

The Treaty of Worms was an offensive and de

1743, between England, Austria, and Sardinia. By it the Queen of Hungary agreed to transfer to the King of Sardinia the city and part of the duchy of Placentia, the Vigevanesco, part of the duchy of Pavia, and the county of Anghiera, as well as her claims to the marquisate of Finale, which had been VI. for the sum of 400,000 golden crowns, for which ceded to the Genoese by the late Emperor Charles it had been previously mortgaged. The Queen of Hungary also engaged to maintain 30,000 men in Italy, to be commanded by the King of Sardinia. Great Britain agreed to pay the sum of £300,000 for the cession of Finale, and to furnish an annual subsidy of £200,000, on the condition that the King of Sardinia should employ 45,000 men. In addition to supplying these sums, Great Britain agreed to send a strong squadron into the Mediterranean, to act in concert with the allied forces. By a separate and secret convention, agreed to at the same time and

place as the treaty, but which was never ratified nor publicly avowed, it was stipulated that Great Britain should pay to the Queen of Hungary an annual subsidy of £300,000, not merely during the war, but so long "as the necessity of her affairs should require." The terms of the Treaty of Worms relative to the cession of the marquisate of Finale to since that territory had been guaranteed to them by Sardinia were particularly unjust to the Genoese, the fourth article of the Quadruple Alliance, concluded on the 2d of August, 1718, between Great Britain, France, Austria, and Holland.--Coxe's Austria, chap. civ. Lord Mahon's Hist. of England, vol. iii., p. 231. Belsham's Hist. of England, vol. iv., p. 82, et seq.

The alliance of Sardinia and its assistance may, I admit, be of great use to us in defeating the designs of the Spaniards in Italy. But gold itself may be bought too dear; and I fear we shall find the purchase we have made to be but precarious, especially if Sardinia should be attacked by France as well as by Spain, the almost certain consequence of our present scheme of politics. For these reasons, sir, I hope there is not any gentleman, nor even any minister, who expects that I should declare my satisfaction that this treaty has been concluded.

It is very surprising, sir, to hear gentlemen talk of the great advantages of unanimity in our proceedings, when, at the time, they are doing all they can to prevent unanimity. If the honorable gentleman had intended that what he proposed should be unanimously agreed to, he would have returned to the ancient custom of Parliament which some of his new friends have, on former occasions, so often recommended. It is a new doctrine to pretend that we ought in our address to return some sort of answer to every thing mentioned in his Majesty's speech. It is a doctrine that has prevailed only since our Parliaments began to look more like French than English Parliaments; and now we pretend to be such enemies of France, I supposed we should have laid aside a doctrine which the very method of proceeding in Parliament must show to be false. His Majesty's speech is not now so much as under our consideration, but upon a previous order for that purpose; therefore we can not now properly take notice of its contents, any farther than to determine whether we ought to return thanks for it or not. Even this we may refuse, without being guilty of any breach of duty to our sovereign; but of this, I believe, no gentleman would have thought, had the honorable gentleman who made this motion not attached to it a long and fulsome panegyric upon the conduct of our ministers. I am convinced no gentleman would have objected to our expressing our duty to our sovereign, and our zeal for his service, in the strongest and most affectionate terms: nor

would any gentleman have refused to congratulate his Majesty upon any fortunate event happening to the royal family. The honorable gentleman would have desired no more than this, had he intended that his motion should be unanimously agreed to. But ministers are generally the authors and drawers up of the motion, and they always have a greater regard for themselves than for the service of their sovereign; that is the true reason why such motions seldom meet with unanimous approbation.

As to the danger, sir, of our returning or not returning to our national custom upon this occasion, I think it lies wholly upon the side of our not returning. I have shown that the measures we are now pursuing are fundamentally wrong, and that the longer we pursue them, the heavier our misfortunes will prove. Unless some signal providence interpose, experience, I am convinced, will confirm what I say. By the immediate intervention of Providence, we may, it is true, succeed in the most improbable 'schemes; but Providence seems to be against us. The sooner, therefore, we repent and amend, the better it will be for us; and unless repentance begins in this House, I shall no where expect it until dire experience has convinced us of our errors.

For these reasons, sir, I wish, I hope, that we may now begin to put a stop to the farther prosecution of these disastrous measures, by refusing them our approbation. If we put a negative upon this question, it may awaken our ministers from their deceitful dreams. If we agree to it, they will dream on till they have dreamed Europe their country, and themselves into utter perdition. If they stop now, the nation may recover; but if by such a flattering address we encourage them to go on, it may soon become impossible for them to retreat. For the sake of Europe, therefore, for the sake of my country, I most heartily join in putting a negative upon the question.

After a protracted debate, the address was carried by a vote of 279 to 149.

SPEECH

OF LORD CHATHAM ON AN ADDRESS TO THE THRONE, IN WHICH THE RIGHT OF TAXING AMERICA IS DISCUSSED, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, JANUARY 14, 1766.

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INTRODUCTION.

MR. GEORGE GRENVILLE, during his brief administration from 1763 to 1765, adopted a plan for replenishing the exhausted treasury of Great Britain, which had been often proposed before, but rejected by every preceding minister. It was that of levying direct taxes on the American colonies. His famous Stamp Act was brought forward February 7th, 1765. It was strongly opposed by Colonel Barré, who thus indignantly replied to the charge of ingratitude, brought by Charles Townsend against the Ameri'children planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, and protected by our arms," &c. They planted by your care?" said Colonel Barré: "No! Your oppressions planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed them. selves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable; and, among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle, and, I will take it upon me to say, the most formidable of any people on earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, com

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pared with those they suffered in their native land from the hands of those who should have been their friends. They nourished by your indulgence? They grew by your neglect of them! As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this House-sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them-men promoted to the highest seats of justice; some of whom, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. They protected by your arms? They have nobly taken up arms in your defense; have exerted a valor, amid their constant and laborious industry, for the defense of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And-believe me-remember I this day told you so that same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still. But prudence forbids me to say more. God knows I do not, at this time, speak from motives of party beat. What I deliver are the genuine senti. ments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this House may be, I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant with that country. The people are, I believe, as truly loyal as any subjects the King has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if they should ever be violated." This prophetic warning was in vain. The bill was passed on the 22d of March, 1765.

A few months after, the ministry of Mr. Grenville came abruptly to an end, and was followed by the administration of Lord Rockingham. That able statesman was fully convinced that nothing but the repeal of the Stamp Act could restore tranquillity to the colonies, which, according to Colonel Barré's predictions, were in a state of almost open resistance. The news of this resistance reached England at the close of 1765, and Parliament was summoned on the 17th of December. The plan of the ministry was to repeal the Stamp Act; but, in accordance with the King's wishes, to re-assert (in doing so) the right of Parliament to tax the colonies. Against this course Mr. Pitt determined to take his stand; and when the ordinary address was made in answer to the King's speech, he entered at once on the subject of American taxation, in a strain of the boldest eloquence. His speech was reported by Sir Robert Dean, assisted by Lord Charlemont, and, though obvionsly broken and imperfect, gives us far more of the language actually used by Mr. Pitt than any of the preceding speeches.

SPEECH, &c.

of credulity. By comparing events with each other, reasoning from effects to causes, methinks I plainly discover the traces of an overruling influence.1

MR. SPEAKER,—I came to town but to-day. own, I advised them to do it—but, notwithstandI was a stranger to the tenor of his Majesty's ing (for I love to be explicit), I can not give them speech, and the proposed address, till I heard my confidence. Pardon me, gentlemen [bowing them read in this House. Unconnected and un- to the ministry], confidence is a plant of slow consulted, I have not the means of information.growth in an aged bosom. Youth is the season I am fearful of offending through mistake, and therefore beg to be indulged with a second reading of the proposed address. [The address being read, Mr. Pitt went on :] I commend the King's speech, and approve of the address in answer, as it decides nothing, every gentleman being left at perfect liberty to take such a part concerning America as he may afterward see fit. One word only I can not approve of: an "early," is a word that does not belong to the notice the ministry have given to Parliament of the troubles in America. In a matter of such importance, the communication ought to have been immediate!

I speak not now with respect to parties. I stand up in this place single and independent. As to the late ministry [turning himself to Mr. Grenville, who sat within one of him], every capital measure they have taken has been entirely wrong! As to the present gentlemen, to those at least whom I have in my eye [looking at the bench where General Conway sat with the lords of the treasury], I have no objection. I have never been made a sacrifice by any of them. Their characters are fair; and I am always glad when men of fair character engage in his Majesty's service. Some of them did me the honor to ask my opinion before they would engage. These will now do me the justice to

There is a clause in the Act of Settlement obliging every minister to sign his name to the advice which he gives to his sovereign. Would it were observed! I have had the honor to serve the Crown, and if I could have submitted to influence, I might have still continued to serve: but I would not be responsible for others. I have no local attachments. It is indifferent to me whether a man was rocked in his cradle on this side or that side of the Tweed. I sought for merit wherever it was to be found. It is my boast, that I was the first minister who looked for it, and found it, in the mountains of the North. I called it forth, and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of men-men, who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh

1 Chas. Butler says in his Reminiscences, "Those who remember the air of condescending protection will recollect how much they themselves, at the mowith which the bow was made and the look given, ment, were both delighted and awed; and what they themselves conceived of the immeasurable superi ority of the speaker over every other human being that surrounded him."

to have overturned the state in the war before the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side. They served with fidelity, as they fought with valor, and conquered for you in every part of the world. Detested be the national reflections against them! They are unjust, groundless, illiberal, unmanly! When I ceased to serve his Majesty as a minister, it was not the country of the man by which I was moved - but the man of that country wanted wisdom, and held principles incompatible with freedom.2

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It is a long time, Mr. Speaker, since I have attended in Parliament. When the resolution was taken in this House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to be carried in my bed-so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences-I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it! It is now an act that has passed. I would speak with decency of every act of this House; but I must beg the indulgence of the House to speak of it with freedom.

I hope a day may soon be appointed to consider the state of the nation with respect to America. I hope gentlemen will come to this debate with all the temper and impartiality that his Majesty recommends, and the importance of the subject requires; a subject of greater importance than ever engaged the attention of this House, that subject only excepted, when, near a century ago, it was the question, whether you yourselves were to be bond or free. In the mean time, as I can not depend upon my health for any future day (such is the nature of my in

2 It need hardly be said that Lord Bute is aimed at throughout the whole of these two paragraphs. The passage illustrates a mode of attack which Lord Chatham often used, that of pointing at an individual in a manner at once so significant as to arrest attention, and yet so remote as to involve no breach of decorum-saying the severest things by implication, and leaving the hearer to apply them; thus avoiding the coarseness of personal invective, and giving a wide scope for ingenuity in the most stinging allusions. In the present case, the allusion to Bute as having "made a sacrifice" of Chatham, by driving him from power through a secret ascendency over the King; to "the traces of an overruling in fluence" from the same quarter as a reason for with holding confidence from the new ministry; and to Bute's shrinking from that responsibility which the Act of Settlement imposed upon all advisers of the King-these and other allusions to the favorite of George III. would be instantly understood and keenly felt among a people who have always regarded the character of a favorite with dread and abhorrence. Lord Chatham, to avoid the imputation of being influenced in what he said by the prevailing prejudices against Bute as a Scotchman, refers to himself, in glowing language, as the first minister who employed Highlanders in the army; calling" from the mountains of the North" "a hardy

and intrepid race of men," who had been alienated by previous severity, but who, by that one act of confidence, were indissolubly attached to the house

of Hanover.

3 At the Revolution of 1688.

firmities), I will beg to say a few words at present, leaving the justice, the equity, the policy, the expediency of the act to another time.

I will only speak to one point, a point which seems not to have been generally understood. I mean to the right. Some gentlemen [alluding to Mr. Nugent] seem to have considered it as a point of honor. If gentlemen consider it in that light, they leave all measures of right and wrong, to follow a delusion that may lead to destruction. It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom over the colonies to be sovereign and supreme, in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. They are the subjects of this kingdom; equally entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen; equally bound by its laws, and equally participating in the constitution of this free country. The Americans are the sons, not the bastards of England! Taxation is no part of the governing or legisla tive power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legislation the three estates of the realm are alike concerned; but the concurrence of the peers and the Crown to a tax is only necessary to clothe it with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons alone. In ancient days, the Crown, the barons, and the clergy possessed the lands. In those days, the barons and the clergy gave and granted to the Crown. They gave and granted what was their own! At present, since the discovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the Commons are be(God bless it!) has but a pittance. The propcome the proprietors of the land. The Church erty of the lords, compared with that of the commons, is as a drop of water in the ocean; and this House represents those commons, the proprietors of the lands; and those proprietors virtually represent the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this House, we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. in an American tax, what do we do? "We, your Majesty's Commons for Great Britain, give and grant to your Majesty"-what? Our own property? No! "We give and grant to your Majesty" the property of your Majesty's commons of America! It is an absurdity in terms.

But

The distinction between legislation and tax✈ ation is essentially necessary to liberty. The Crown and the peers are equally legislative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the Crown and the peers have rights in taxation as well as yourselves; rights which they will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be supported by power.

There is an idea in some that the colonies are

virtually represented in the House. I would fain know by whom an American is represented here. Is he represented by any knight of the shire, in any county in this kingdom? Would to God that respectable representation was aug

mented to a greater number! Or will you tell | in the reign of Henry VIII., the other in that of him that he is represented by any representative Charles II. [Mr. Grenville then quoted the acts, of a borough? a borough which, perhaps, its own representatives never saw! This is what is called the rotten part of the Constitution. It can not continue a century. If it does not drop, it must be amputated. The idea of a virtual representation of America in this House is the most contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of a man. It does not deserve a serious refutation.

The Commons of America, represented in their several assemblies, have ever been in possession of the exercise of this, their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it! At the same time, this kingdom, as the supreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her laws, by her regulations, and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures, in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent.

Here I would draw the line,

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Quam ultra citraque neque consistere rectum.5 [As soon as Lord Chatham concluded, General Conway arose, and succinctly avowed his entire approbation of that part of his Lordship's speech which related to American affairs, but disclaimed altogether that secret overruling influence which had been hinted at." Mr. George Grenville, who followed in the debate, expatiated at large on the tumults and riots which had taken place in the colonies, and declared that they bordered on rebellion. He condemned the language and sentiments which he had heard as encouraging a revolution. A tion of his speech is here inserted, as explanatory of the replication of Lord Chatham."]

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I can not, said Mr. Grenville, understand the difference between external and internal taxes. They are the same in effect, and differ only in That this kingdom has the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, is granted; it can not be denied; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is one branch of the legislation. It is, it has been, exercised over those who are not, who were never represented. It is exercised over the India Company, the merchants of London, the proprietors of the stocks, and over many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the county palatine of Chester, and the bishopric of Durham, before they sent any representatives to Parliament. I appeal for proof to the preambles of the acts which gave them representatives; one

tem.

and desired that they might be read; which be-
ing done, he said,] When I proposed to tax
America, I asked the House if any gentleman
would object to the right; I repeatedly asked it,
and no man would attempt to deny it. Protec-
tion and obedience are reciprocal. Great Brit-
ain protects America; America is bound to yield
obedience. If not, tell me when the Americans
were emancipated? When they want the pro-
tection of this kingdom, they are always very
ready to ask it. That protection has always
been afforded them in the most full and ample
manner. The nation has run herself into an im-
mense debt to give them their protection; and
now, when they are called upon to contribute a
small share toward the public expense-an ex-
pense arising from themselves-they renounce
your authority, insult your officers, and break
out, I might almost say, into open rebellion.
The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its
birth to the factions in this House. Gentlemen
are careless of the consequences of what they
say, provided it answers the purposes of opposi-
tion. We were told we trod on tender ground.
We were bid to expect disobedience.
this but telling the Americans to stand out
against the law, to encourage their obstinacy
with the expectation of support from hence?
"Let us only hold out a little," they would say,
our friends will soon be in power." Ungrate-
ful people of America! Bounties have been ex-
tended to them. When I had the honor of serv-
ing the Crown, while you yourselves were load-
ed with an enormous debt, you gave bounties on
their lumber, on their iron, their hemp, and many
other articles. You have relaxed in their favor
the Act of Navigation, that palladium of the
British commerce; and yet I have been abused
in all the public papers as an enemy to the trade
of America. I have been particularly charged
with giving orders and instructions to prevent
the Spanish trade, and thereby stopping the chan-
nel by which alone North America used to be
supplied with cash for remittances to this coun-
try. I defy any man to produce any such or-
ders or instructions. I discouraged no trade but
what was illicit, what was prohibited by an act
of Parliament.

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What is

I desire a West India merchant

(Mr. Long), well known in the city, a gentleman of character, may be examined. He will tell you that I offered to do every thing in my power to advance the trade of America. I was above giving an answer to anonymous calumnies; but in this place it becomes one to wipe off the aspersion. Several mem

[Here Mr. Grenville ceased.

4 We have here the first mention made by any English statesman of a reform in the borough sys-bers got up to speak, but Mr. Pitt seeming to A great truth once uttered never dies. The rise, the House was so clamorous for Mr. Pitt! Reform Bill of Earl Grey had its origin in the mind Mr. Pitt! that the speaker was obliged to call to order.]

of Chatham.

5 On neither side of which we can rightly stand Mr. Grenville, it will be remembered, had now no connection with the ministry, but was attempting to defend his Stamp Act against the attack of Mr.

Pitt.

Mr. Pitt said, I do not apprehend I am speaking twice. I did expressly reserve a part of my subject, in order to save the time of this House; but I am compelled to proceed in it. I do not

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