tion, he only said that unconstitutional interference could not have come through the Treasury without his knowledge; for other departments he had distinctly stated others would be responsible. on the merits of his majesty's ministers, and on the general principle which governed them during the late election. Mr. Tierney observed, that the opener and seconder of the motion had, at least, Mr. Charles Jenkinson rose, and in a the merit of having been candid and explicit maiden speech, addressed the house as fol- in their statement of facts, and these being lows:-I rise, Sir, with feelings of pride and completely in the possession of the house, satisfaction, to acknowledge myself as one there was no occasion to go into a committee of those who have lent their names to the for the purpose of further investigation. petition which at present engages the atten- What further had the house to learn? The tion of the house. I subscribed it from the hon. baronet had read the papers once, strong conviction I felt of the truth of its and some of them even twice, and had allegations, and with an ardent hope that made his observations upon them. What, the house of commons would interpose its then, could be gained by going into a coinconstitutional protection between the privi-mittee? And he would ask, whether such a leges of the elective body, and the destruc-breach of privilege had been proved, as tive strides of ministerial encroachment. rendered the matter worthy of investigation! These feelings originated in my mind, not by a committee of privileges? It had been from the solitary case of the county of stated, that he had said that the petitiou Southampton; they were justified by the had been too long delayed. He had said conduct and hostility which I myself ex- so, and avowed it. It was signed, he obperienced, as one of those individuals served, by several members of parliament, against whom the shafts of ministerial in- and these might have brought forward the fluence were strongly, but unsuccessfully business without any petition, and ought directed. At Dover, for which port I have to have done it the first moment it was the honour of being a representative, there are possible. Such was the anxiety of the two parties; the one immediately under the house to consider questions of privilege, influence of the Victualling Board, the other that they had the pecedence of every controuled by the Ordnance Department. other business, and this question might From such causes, a number of the electors have been discussed even before his mahad determined to give oue vole at the re-jesty's speech. The inference he drew from quest of the principals in these respective this was, that they did not think this breach branches, reserving to themselves the right of privilege as one of much consequence, of supporting me with the second. This and had accordingly allowed it to sleep for determination was not in unison with the a time for some purpose or other. It had inclinations of his majesty's government, been said, he did not know with what truth, and a communication was absolutely made that it was in order to find the right petito all persons in the various gradations of tion; which an hon. member had signed, employment under the boards I have men- supposing it to be another petition, and he tioned, that whoever voted for my return, was sorry he was not present, for if he had would be dispossessed of the situation he held been in the house, he thought it possible he and be actually deprived of his livelihood. would have confessed that he did not know To the honour of some of my constituents, what he had signed. His hon. friend (Mr. they waited on me, and apprised me of Fremantle) had observed, that he had no their intention to adhere to their promises, previous notice of the charge which it was even at the hazard of their personal inte- ineant to bring against him. But what could rests. The house will do me the justice to be said of an hon. gent. (Mr. Jeffery,) who believe, that, under such circumstances, I had brought a most serious charge against immediately released them from their pre-an hon. member, not only without notice, vious engagements to me; whilst the fear of ministerial persecution operated so much with others, as to force them, at the altar of their God, to disregard the sacred pledge they had given; the place of election being there held in the Church, by a peculiar custom. From this plain statement, the house and the country will be able to decide but even in his absence? A more indecorous, a more unprecedented proceeding, and a conduct more improper from one gentleman to another never was witnessed.—(A loud cry of order, order.) Mr. Spencer Stanhope rose and said, that during the long time that he had sat in parliament, he never heard more improper and more unparliamentary language from one gentleman to another. He called upon the Chair to say whether that was proper language to use in that house. there was no order, but merely a request that general Hewitt should assist one who was the writer's particular friend. He would ask whether the house ought to The Speaker said, that certainly in the waste one moment by going into such a sense in which the hon. gent. understood committee as was proposed? If general them, the words might as well have been Hewitt was here, and if the question should spared. be put to him, whether he had received the Mr. Tierney in continuation asked, whe-letter, he would answer that he had; that ther it could be thought that it was his ob- he had sent it to major Davies, and that ject to make two gentlemen quarrel? If his major Davies wrote that he would not go words could be supposed to have that ten-without the consent of his commanding ofdency, the hon. gent. had to be sure very ficer; and that he, general Hewitt, had much mended the matter. He would not, told major Davies, that if he went it however, be led away by the broad hint would not be at the public expence. All which the hon. gent. had thrown out. A this was perfectly well known, and there right hon. gent. over the way (Mr. Rose) was therefore no occasion for going into a had said on a former night, that this was committee. The hon. baronet knew the unprecedented conduct on the part of voters, and yet he could specify none that government. Such a petition as this might, had been procured by corrupt practices. indeed, be called unprecedented, and yet None were given or withheld in conseafter all the search of the right hon. quence of threats. He could collect no gent. he could find nothing but this charge, precedents, because no opposition ever prewhich in truth amounted to nothing. If scuted such a petition. He defied them to it had been brought in as an illustration of shew one instance in which a threat had something else, as other illustrations had been employed by government to influence been made use of, then it might have been a vote. If any such instance could be good for something, but as it stood now it shewn, it certainly should not have his was nothing. What was the letter? It was countenance. To ask a man for his vote one by which his hon. friend begged a fa- was no offence whatever, but to threaten to vour of another person. To be sure; if turn him out of office unless he voted for he had been an older practitioner he might a particular person was certainly a breach have dated his letter from Stanhope-street, of privilege. But nothing of this sort was where he lived, and sent it by his servant. charged. Gentlemen might say what they That was the whole of the argument with pleased in their speeches, but all that they respect to the date from the Treasury proved was, that a letter had been sent from Chambers. But the gentlemen on the the treasury chambers, which au old praeother side were all aghast at the Treasury titioner would have dated from a different Chambers. But general Hewitt would place. This was the whole of the proof, know very well who Mr. Fremantle was, and, he would ask whether, after all the without the mention of the Treasury Cham- abuse which had been heaped upon governbers, and could no doubt tell, at any rate, ment, they did not rise in credit when it what part government would wish him to was perceived on what frivolous grounds all take. If the letter had been sent to general this abuse was founded? The hon. baronet Hewitt to be handed about, to be sure that might wish to go into a committee; and if would have been another matter. But there was any thing new to be proved, then, it was a private letter entirely. Then, when it was known what it was, it would be what effects had it been attended with? proper to consider whether the motion What advantage had it produced? It was not should be agreed to. But really this petipretended that it had produced any. The tion was the most extraordinary, and on the fact was known. His hon. friend had sent part of the members of parliament who a letter to general Hewitt, general Hewitt had signed it, one of the most foolish that applied to major Davies, and major Davies he had ever witnessed. Out of 112 votes, refused to comply with the request, except there were 6 or 7 members of parliament he had permission to go from his comman- who thus presented a petition to themselves. der in chief. Did this look like a deep laid No county meeting had been called. A plan? The resolution of the house against certain number of gentlemen in opposition interference meant the exercise of improper had, after 9 weeks consideration, at last influence; it supposed an order. But here framed this petition, and got son.e of their gent. and those about him. It was the tenants and dependants to sign it. He knew Sir H. Mildmay in explanation said, he had stated only the written evidence. There was much other evidence ready to be produced before the committee, not only with respect to the interference of the treasury, but also of other departments of government, and particularly involving the conduct of the comptroller of the navy. Mr. Canning hoped that the right hon. gent. who spoke last on the other side, would permit him to qualify his observation, that nothing was so extraordinary as a motion of this kind proceeding from the quarter in which it originated, by telling him, that it was equally extraordinary that such a motion should meet with such a reception in the quarter in which it was opposed. In the earlier part of his parliamentary life, he remembered motions of parliamentary reform, strongly urged by the right hon. VOL. VIII. 3 D d the power and influence of the government. | a principle more unjust and more outraThe hon. gent. might have written to his geous than any he had ever heard mainprivate connections and dependants, with tained. The petition which had been alluall possible zeal and ardour to exert them- ded to by the hon. gent. and in which the selves to promote the election of his friends. mover and seconder of the present motion But the ground of complaint was, that the were complainants, was exactly similar to letter was addressed, not by Mr. Fremantle, the present; the only difference was, that a gentleman of property and a freeholder some of those who then complained of the of Hampshire, to general Hewitt, a person invasion, argued now, that it would be of private connection in that county, but foolish to listen to a complaint of similar from Mr. Fremantle, secretary of the trea- invasion. The complaint was then backed sury, to general Hewitt, head of the bar- by lord Carnarvon, and now lord Carnarvon rack department, claiming the exertions of was on the other side. That was the only his influence through all the ramifications, difference between the cases. The general connections, and dependancies of that de- principle of the hon. gent. was, that bepartment. It could not justly be assumed, eanse Hampshire was used to being wrongthat this was the only instance of the undue ed, its wrongs should never be redressed; interposition of government in this election. for when injuries of the highest magnitude The expression of his hon. friend “Ex uno were stated, it was thought quite sufficient disce omnes," was in itself an assurance in bar of redress to turn round short, and that there were many similar instances; and state, that others had been guilty of similar the petition stated this one, only as a spe- invasions. There was another peculiarity cimen of a multitude of other facts which with respect to Hampshire, that the case on were to be brought forward, and which the which the house came to the resolution, petitioners were ready to prove. It was not condemning the duke of Chandos, arose in for him to say, how far the allegations of that county. The resolution of the house the petition would be made out; but as a upon that case declared it to be highly crimember of parliament, he would say, that minal, and a breach of the privileges of the petitioners having stated such facts, and the house, to be visited by severe anihaving declared themselves ready to prove madversions, that an officer of the governthem, it would require much stronger rea- ment should interfere directly or indirectly sons than he had heard, to justify the dis- in the election of members to serve in the missal of the petition without proper atten- commous house of parliament. If the intion and respect. The hon. gent. towards terference in that instance were compared the close of his speech, cited a former in with the interference in the present instance, stance of a friend of his (Mr. Jervoise), no man would hesitate to say, that the inwho had been turned out of the represen- terference in the present instance was more tation of the county of Hants, by the inter-direct and immediate. It was argued, that position of the power of government; and the hon. gent. argued from this, that the interposition of government to turn out the old representative in the present instance, was but a fair reprisal. But what excuse was it to the freeholders of the county of Hants, that their independence was to be continually invaded, because the reprisal was allowable on the part of those who might happen to be at the time in power, and whose friend might have formerly received a wrong, which they thought proper to retaliate? But, was it to be argued or suffered, that from this assumed right of party reprisal, the county of Hants should be eternally disfranchised? If such reprisals were suffered, it could be only on the principle, that as Hampshire was accustomed to such invasions of its rights, it could suffer no pain from any fresh instance of it; the duke of Chandos was as a peer probibited from interfering by law; but it was his interference as an officer of government that the resolution stigmatized. Another complaint was, that the facts contained in the complaints of the petitioners had not been brought forward as soon as the hon. gent. opposite wished, that they were not prepared as the hon. gent. wished, that they were not the same facts he wished; other modes of bringing the matter forward ought to have been resorted to, according to the opinions of the hon. gent. and individuals ought not to have been feasted and pampered up for the purpose of sacrificing them on the occasion (a laugh). It was very likely that the entertainment, as it was served up at present, was not to the taste of the hon. gent.; but was it to be argued, that when governmeut had invaded the rights and indepen silent, had not the arguments offered on the opposite called for these observations. He had hoped that such a petition, moved and seconded by such persons, would have met with universal concurrence. He was ready to allow, that if the petitioners could not prove their allegations, the strength of the lan guage in which they expressed their com plaints ought to subject them to some censure. But that the strength of the language should be made a ground for rejecting the petition, when those who signed it professed themselves ready to prove their allegations, was what appeared to him most extraordinary and most unjustifiable, and therefore he would give one vote at least to preserve the house from the censure that must fall upon it, if the petition should be dismissed without proper consideration. dence of a county, and pleaded custom as a ground for denying redress, the house of commons should refuse to inquire into the grounds of a petition complaining of the injury, and invade another right of the subject, merely because the form of the petition in question might be disagreeable to those whose crime was its substance? Was the house to call for and compare all rough drafts, and amendments of the several petitions that had been sketched previous to the one finally presented? Was the house, in assuming a right which it did not possess, to lose sight of the due exercise of a duty which was incumbent upon it? He had heard it was maintained in another place, that the influence of government was a sort of paternal influence, which might as properly be exercised over the people as that of a landlord over the tenant. He Mr. William Adam considered this as had not heard that sentiment uttered here a question of general parliamentary law, so broadly. But when so important a per- which ought to be discussed upon general son as the secretary of the treasury stated principles. He thought the concluding any thing bordering upon it, it became the doctrines of the right hon. gent.'s speech house to guard against it in the outset, par- were not fit to be delivered in that house. ticularly when that secretary of the trea- He thought, besides, that it was not candid sury stated that he had come into office or fair for those gentlemen who were long at a critical period, and that the whole in the habit of speaking in that house, who business of the elections was in his hands. had learned the perfect management of He was glad to find the hon. gent. had their ideas in the delivery of them, and who, estates in Hampshire; but he could not in the midst of their speech, could exercise have estates in every county, or houses in their judgment and deliberation on every every borough. He must think, upon the sentence they uttered, to lay hold so eagerwhole of the circumstances, that the letter ly of an expression that fell from a memto general Hewitt was written, not as a let-ber who was utterly inexperienced in pubter from one private freel older to another, liv speaking, and who immediately exbut in the character of Mr. Fremantle, plained that expression which at first sight secretary to the treasury, having the charge appeared so objectionable. He did not of managing the general election, to the think it was fair or candid to take such person at the head of the barrack depart-an advantage of a mere slip of the tonguement, claiming the exertion of his extensive influence. But it was argued the house ought to have no jealousy of a petition complaining of this interference, and an hon. gent, who represented the county of Hants, recommended that the petition should be dismissed, and thrown back with disgrace upon the heads of those who had preferred it. This would hardly be of service to the hon. gent. in another similar crisis of difficulty, whether he might or might not happen to have a friend in the situation of secretary to the treasury, and having a freehold in Hampshire. He had trusted that it would not have been necessary for him to speak upon this question; and though he had a high respect for some of the petitioners, he would have remained a lapsus linguæ of a member inexperienced in debate. This was a question which certainly was not to be determined by the peculiar circumstances of Hampshire, but upon the general constitutional law. In the first place, it could not be said that there was any act of parliament which prevented a Secretary of the Treasury from canvassing, as well as any other man, for those persons whose interest he espoused. There was a positive law which disfranchised certain revenue officers, but that did not at all apply to the case of the secretary of the treasury. If there was no act which bore upon the present case, neither was there any resolution of that house. The resolution of 1779 was on very different grounds. It had been resolved, tha |