Imágenes de página
PDF
ePub

on earth could reasonably interpose their | branches of trade that might be opened in authority or their influence between two lieu of it. I have been on board of and parties so circumstanced, and it was far from inspected several of the vessels employed being improbable that that island would in these inhuman voyages, and I do not one day be in the hands of France. He think there are any ships in the world betmost seriously called upon their lordships ter qualified for transports for conveying to consider what might probably be the con- troops than they are. It has been also ursequence of such a re-assumption of power, ged against the present bill, that the passing by the natural enemy of this country, if at of it would destroy one of the finest nurthe same time we were to have abolished our series for our seamen; but this cannot be only mode of supplying our islands with correct, for I know, from an actual examilabourers Would they not, with an island nation into the subject, that only one half of so great extent at their command, would of the seamen employed on any one they not continue to import; and if they slave voyage, returned to this country, could not frustrate our views of abolition the rest generally dying on the voyage. by smuggling, would they not at least on In fact, there are two-thirds more seathe first appearance of misunderstanding men lost to this country in this manner between them and Great Britain, foment than the boasted nursery of the African disturbances in our islands, and endeavour slave trade produces. It has been said to accomplish that most prevailing wish of their present ruler, by the destruction of British commerce?

against the abolition, that the natives of Africa would murder the prisoners they brought down to the coast with the view of exposing them to sale, but I do not think that one single life would be lost in this manner.-His highness concluded with repeating his abhorrence of the trade, and gave his warmest support to the bill.

The Duke of Gloucester.-My lords, I cannot find language sufficiently strong to express any abhorrence and detestation of this abominable traffic in human blood; and I think the present question is the most momentous that ever came before your The Earl of Morton opposed the bill, lordships: for what question can be more and recommended to their lordships to momentous, or come more closely home pause, and to consider whether the abolito our bosoms and our feelings of huma- tion of the trade would not be attended nity, than that which concerns the welfare, with worse consequences in the view of huthe happiness, nay even the lives of my-manity, than its continuation. riads of our fellow creatures? Adverting to The Earl of Westmoreland said, that in the resolution of last parliament, now on the British West-India islands the life of the your lordships' table, declaring that the slave was protected by the law as well as Slave Trade is contrary to justice, huma- that of any other inhabitant. The house had nity, and policy, can you still allow British been told that they should prevent the consubjects to carry on what has been thus tinuance of oppression and cruelty; but the solemnly declared to be unjust, inhuman, question was not as to how far we ought to and impolitic? It has been told us from exert ourselves to put an end to practices the opposite side of the house, that of that nature, but how far any thing that the mortality among the slaves has of was in our power was capable of effecting late years decreased, and that the negroes that purpose. Portugal, for instance, had were flourishing; but I can tell your lord- no other means of working her mines than ships the real cause of that decrease in by the employment of slaves; could we mortality: It arises not from the situation suppose that she would give it up? indeed of the slaves having been actually ame-nothing had been said about her. liorated, but from the encouragement France there had been something like a given by some planters to the breed of free whisper that she would relinquish the trade, negroes, instead of purchasing slaves. They and it was then inferred that Spain would find, from experience, that the former, though, perhaps, the slower method of procuring a supply of labourers, is yet by far the most beneficial in the end to the planters, as it is also more consonant to the feelings of humanity. As to the ruin that will fall upon the merchants engaged in this traffic, if it is put a stop to, I have to observe, that there are many new

Of

follow her example. America had promised, but had not yet given up the traffic; and who could answer for Carolina, that it would agree to the resolutions of the other states on that head? If we abandoned this trade, it was certain that some others would take it up, who might not act with so much bumanity as the British traders; and with it we should abandon the employ

ment of one million capital, about 6 or 700 the present circumstances, a strong incenships, and from 16 to 20,000 seamen. tive to overwork the negroes, and, conseThis, he maintained, would occasion the quently, to curtail the population. loss of nearly one-third of the amount of Lord Sidmouth felt it a painful duty British imports and exports. He had a to be obliged to differ from some of his stronger objection yet to make against the noble friends, particularly on a subject adoption of this measure, namely, that if which involved questions of justice and such a system were acted upon, no proper-humanity. To the measure itself he had no ty could be reckoned safe which could fall objection, if it could be accomplished within the power of the legislature; upon without detriment to the West-India issuch a principle as this the tithes of the lands; but this he did not think possible, clergy, and the very freehold estates of the under existing circumstances. Instead, landholders might be sacrificed to field-therefore, of abolition at present, he begged preaching, and popular declamation. His leave to suggest, that the best plan would conduct, however, should never receive the be to throw certain difficulties in the way smallest degree of influence from such of the trade, which may finally, and perpowers as those, and though he should see haps at no distant period, operate as a bar the presbyterian and the prelate, the me- to it altogether. For this purpose, be thodist and field-preacher, the jacobin and would suggest that a tax be laid on every the murderer unite in support of it, in that slave imported into any of the islands, gra house he would raise his voice against it.dually raising this impost, till the merchants The Earl of Selkirk could not reconcile should of themselves give up the traffic. to his mind the distinctions made by the With respect to the West Indies themselves, noble earl who had just sat down. If he he would recommend the advice of that was right in his conception of what had great man (Mr. Burke), viz. that churches fallen from that noble lord relative to the should be built for the negroes in the dispensations of Providence, it went the islands, and that they should be instructed length of asserting, that no cognizance in the morality and doctrine of the Chrisshould be taken of any moral offence, how-tian religion; he would also have them ever aggravated or injurious to society. united by the ties of matrimony, as the If human duties were thus estimated, and first step towards civilization, and the future vicious deeds only considered by that cri-improvement of their condition. With these terion, rapine and outrage would be con-advantages, and the blessing of being prostantly at work, and jurisprudence be ren-tected by our laws, he thought that the dered incapable of repressing the commis-time would arrive for emancipating them. sion of crimes, by merited punishments. The Earl of Rosslyn said, he was conThere was also another observation made vinced that the immediate abolition of this by that noble earl, with which it was im- odious traffic would be attended with no possible to coincide, unless evidence was injurious effects to the colonies, to the culproduced at the bar, that the climate of the ture of which the negroes already imported West Indies was unfavourable to the pro- were fully competent, if properly treated. pagation of the human species. In coun- Such treatment, it might be said, it was tries where the means of human subsistence the obvious interest of the planter to give were proportionate to the number of inha- the negroes, and therefore it might be inbitants, the increase of population had al-ferred that they experienced it already, and ways been found progressive. This prin-yet that importation became necessary to ciple had been acknowledged by all writers keep up the supply. This, however, he on the subject, and had been unanswerably was prepared to contradict. It was only explained in the able work of Mr. Malthus from the strongest impulse of self-interest, upon population. The noble lord proceeded to discuss the causes which were likely to increase or lessen the black population in the West Indies, and concluded with the inference, that after the proposed abolition, the West-India planters would naturally look to moderate profits, and a progressive increase of the negroes on their estates; whereas, the thirst of immediate gain, and the opportunity of speedily supplying a deficiency of labourers, was, under

from the most cogent persuasion of necessity, that men of such habits were likely to adopt the practice of humanity. When unable to procure any more negroes, they would feel the urgency of taking care of those they already had. With regard to the statement of the noble earl (Westmor land), as to the various description of persons who concurred in a wish to produce the abolition of this trade, he thought that formed a forcible argument in favour of the

1

measure before the house. For the concur- cient supply could be kept up for every

rence of men of all religions, of all political purpose of cultivation, and such treatment parties, and even of those who professed no the good effects of which he had witnessed religion, in support of this measure, served in St. Christopher's and other of the coloto shew that to all who were susceptible nies, was not, he was very much afraid, of a sentiment of humanity, who were ca- ever likely to become general, until the planpable of discriminating between the beauty ters were precluded from farther supplies. of virtue and the deformity of vice, this Lord Eldon considered that the abolition traffic was abhorrent. With such an una-of the British traffic would by no means nimity of sentiment, with such a combi-imply that of the Slave Trade in general, nation of powers, could that house, without which could still be carried on by other fixing a stain upon its character, without states. The present had been called a incurring universal odium, hesitate to ac-measure founded on justice, humanity, cede to the motion of his noble friend?

which sat the wisest lawyers, the most learned divines, and the most excellent statesmen; and he declared, that on this subject he had always differed from his illustrious friend Mr. Pitt. He adverted to Mr. Locke, lord Somers, and others, and they did not think it wise or politic to

and policy. If it were so in justice and Earl St. Vincent deprecated the measure, humanity, he would agree that it was so which, if passed, would, he was satisfied, in policy. But it was not clearly made out have the effect of transferring British ca- that it was so, in justice and humanity. It pital to other countries, which would not was, however, necessary that it should be be disposed to abandon such a productive shewn that this measure would promote the branch of trade. As to the humanity so views of justice and humanity more than much contended for, it would be well if they were at present promoted. The noble lords reflected upon this question, learned lord then entered into a review of whether humanity was consulted by the the measures adopted by parliament reabolition. If it were, their arguments specting this trade, which, he contended, would be well founded. But, from his had been sanctioned by parliaments in own experience, he was enabled to state, that the West-India islands formed Paradise itself, to the negroes, in comparison with their native country. Knowing this, which, upon due enquiry, it was in the power of any noble lord to ascertain, he was surprised at the proposition before the house; and, considering the high cha-oppose it. racter and intelligence of the noble pro- The Bishop of Durham supported the poser, he declared that he could account abolition, and considered the Slave Trade in no other way for his having brought it as wholly inconsistent with the spirit of forward, but by supposing that some Obi- the Christian religion. He reminded the man had cast his spell upon him. (A laugh). house of the story of Themistocles, who Lord King argued forcibly in support of proposed a measure by which the enemies the motion, which, in his opinion, nothing of the Athenians might be destroyed, withbut the sacrifice of every generous and out hazard to themselves; which was remanly sentiment to cold and low calcu-ferred to Aristides the Just: it was to lations of self-interest; nothing but a per-destroy their fleet, while they thought they version of justice and humanity, could induce any man to defend. And with regard to the reliance which some persons professed to place upon the equity and feelings of the colonial legislatures, he begged to know if a perversion of justice and hu-to injustice. The British people should manity were supported in that house, what not be surpassed by the Athenians in a love was to be expected from less enlightened of justice; and therefore, if there were any and liberal assemblies? profits to us, in the continuation of the Lord Northesk detailed several instances African Slave trade, we should forego of wanton cruelty practised upon the ne-them. We were a people more favoured groes in the colonies by their masters, who by Heaven than any other nation had been were scarcely under the controul of any law from the commencement of time to the with regard to their conduct. If humane present hour; but we should beware how treatment were practised towards the ne- we forfeited the protection of Provigroes, he was certain, from his knowledge dence, by continual injustice; for if we of the interior of the colonies, that a suffi- did, we should look in vain hereafter

were in safety. Aristides said to the Athe nians, it could be done; but that it was unjust: upon which the people, with one voice, said it should not be done, for that the Athenians would not owe their safety

for the glories of the Nile or of Trafalgar. I called to its enormity. The Christian reli The Earl of Maira took a general viewgion had tended to abolish slávery in Euof the subject; he thought that the evi- rope, and its principle equally led us to dence upon the table of the house must be abolish the detestable traffick in human besufficient to convince their lordships of the ings on the coast of Africa. The noble necessity of abolishing this sanguinary lord contended, on the authority of Mr. traffic. If noble lords were not satisfied Park, that the demand for slaves tended to with this evidence, he referred them to perpetuate wars in the interior of Africa, Holy Writ, he referred them to that great and maintained that if the market were tawork of our forefathers the Old Testament, ken away, the horrors which led to its supHe insisted that if the and that great Commentator upon that ply would cease. work, whose maxim was, "Do unto others trade were abolished, the stock of negroes in the West Indies would be kept up by as you would they should do unto you." Lord Hawkesbury admitted that the slave the ordinary means of increase, which trade was a great political evil, and that could not be the case while the trade conit was desirable to put an end to it; but tinued, and the interest of the planters considering that slavery had been permit- found its account in a different system. ted under the Jewish dispensation, that He maintained that it was impossible to there was no express prohibition of it in believe that the state of a negro in the the Christian; that it was a condition of West Indies was such as to lead him to mankind which many great and wise men prefer it even to slavery in Africa, and it in all ages had sanctioned, he was not was absurd to think so, considering the prepared to say, that to allow slavery was new kind of labour to which he was a crime. Nevertheless, combining slavery condemned, when he had never been acand the slave trade, he thought that it was customed to such habits, and when he matter of regret the latter had ever ex-must be torn from his country and connec isted, and that it was desirable to abolish tions. He was convinced, too, that, far it. The question was, however, whether from weakening, the measure would tend it could be abolished by the proposed to the security of our islands, and he measure, and whether the consequences shewed from the instance of Barbadoes, would be beneficial to the nations of Afri-and that in the cases where the importation ca? He contended that the Slave Trade in Africa had subsisted before Europeans had entered upon the trade, and he doubted whether their withdrawing from it would put an end to the evil, or tend so much as was argued to the internal peace and improvement of Africa. He denied, however, that our withdrawing from it would abolish the trade; and if it only shifted hands, the change would be to the disadvantage of the negroes, and of the cause of humanity.

Lord Holland said, that the arguments of the learned lord (Eldon) respecting the opinions of former statesmen and legislators, lord Somers, Mr. Locke, &c. would, in their application, put a stop to all improvement. But could it be supposed that so great and wise a man as Mr. Locke after reading the evidence which lay on the table respecting the slave trade, would give it his sanction? The evil was now exposed, and could not be defended. As well might we be told that the Reformation was unnecessary, as it might be said, could a reverend prelate be more wise than sir T. More, or more learned than Erasmus. It was in vain, therefore, to say that the slave trade was justified by the authority of those whose attention had never been

of negroes was the least, the proportion of whites to blacks was greatest. The noble lord concluded with a pathetic allusion to the sentiments of Mr. Fox on this subject. Mr. Fox had often told him that the two objects nearest his heart were, the restoration of peace, and the abolition of the slave trade, and when, by the shuffling of the French government he anticipated disappointment in the former, he consoled himself with the hope that the latter might be obtained. The noble lord mentioned with approbation the exertions of others in this cause, and particularly of Mr. Wilberforce, whom, though he was hardly acquainted with him, he should always consider, notwithstanding any past or any future differences of opinion on other points, as an honour to his country and to human nature on account of the zealous, able, and persevering efforts he had made for the abolition of this odious traffic.

The Earl of Suffolk said a few words in support of the bill; after which their lordships divided,

Contents 72; Proxies 28 ... 100
Non-Contents 28; Proxies 8 . . 36

[blocks in formation]

HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, February 5. [MINUTES.] The house at its meeting proceeded to ballot for committees, to try and determine the merits of the Petitions complaining of the late returns for the county of Norfolk, and the borough of Plymouth. The following were the committees appointed: For Norfolk, Henry Baring, esq. Mark Wood, esq. lord Morpeth, T. W. Plummer, esq. A. Åtherly, esq. C. Western, esq. R. T. Stuart, esq. Henry Parnell, esq. Robert Williams, esq. Charles Adams, esq. J. Kingston, esq. Wm. Praed, esq. Owen Williams, esq. Nominees, G. H. Rose, esq. Charles Dundas, esq.-For Plymouth, J. Barham, esq. H. Willoughby, esq. Wm. Roscoe, esq. R. B. Robson, esq. E. Desborough, esq. Wm. Cavendish, esq. John Calvert, esq. hon. W. Hill, Lord Rancliffe, hon. Wm. Maul, Joseph Crips, esq. James Brogden, esq. T. Godfrey, esq. Nominees, Wm. Cartwright, esq. Jonathan Raine, esq.-Ordered, on the motion of lord Howick, that the order for calling over the house be renewed for Tuesday next: also, that the names of such members as shall be absent on that day be reported to the house on such day as the house should direct, and that those for whose absence a sufficient excuse could not be assigned, should be taken into the custody of the serjeant at arms. The Speaker acquainted the house, that the Worcester Pefition having been appointed to be taken into consideration on Tuesday last, at half past three o'clock, and W. Gordon, esq. the petitioner, not having appeared pursuant to the act, within one hour after the petition was ordered to be taken into consideration, he had certified the recognizances in this case to his majesty's court of Exchequer.-Mr. Simeon gave notice that, in consequence of an extraordinary circumstance that had taken place in the Maldon Election Committee, he should, on a future day, move for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the Grenville Act respecting election committees. The hon. member was proceeding to detail the grounds of his motion, when the Speaker begged to remind the hon. gent. that the house confided all matters touching Election Petitions to its committees, and that, according to the practice of the house, the hon. gentleman ought to confine himself to stating the object of his motion. Mr. Simeon was aware, that the decision of seVOL. VIII.

lect committees were final relative to the elections, but from the circumstance of the chairman of the Maldon Committee having given a double vote in the late case, whereby one member was seated, and another deprived of his seat, he thought this part ought to be regulated. It was on that ground, that he proposed to give notice of a motion to amend the Grenville Act. The hon. member fixed his motion for Monday next.-Mr. Atkyns Wright presented at the bar, the minutes of the evidence taken before the Penrhyn Committee. Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed.-The house having gone into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the several acts relative to the Trade of the Cape of Good Hope, Mr. Hobhouse in the chair; it was resolved, That the chairman be directed to move for leave to bring in a bill to authorise his Majesty for a time to be limited, to make regulations respecting the Trade and Commerce of the Cape of Good Hope. On the house being resumed, the chairman moved for and obtained leave to bring in a bill accordingly.-The Lord Advocate of Scotland moved, that the order for the committal of the Scotch Clergy bill should be discharged. The bill, of which he had given notice, to vest the powers of the Commissioners of Teinds in the court of Exchequer, would embrace the object of the bill which he now wished to withdraw. The order was accordingly discharged.

[THIRD MILITARY REPORT-CONDUCT OF MR. ALEXANDER DAVISON] Mr. Rose, in rising to make his proposed motion for the production of the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor General, relative to the case of Mr. Alexander Davison, disclaimed all idea of imputing any neglect to the government in the performance of its duty. The principal difference between himself and the noble lord (H. Petty) was this. The noble lord was for leaving the matter to the management of the executive government. He thought that where a parliamentary commission was appointed to examine into the public expenditure, the prosecutions,ought to be conducted at the instance, and under the direction of this house, rather than be left to the government. He had no intention whatever to convey th idea, that blame rested any where. He did not for a moment suppose, that the ecutive power had not done its duty in this affair, nor did he impute to it any wish to protect delinquen 2 X

[ocr errors]
« AnteriorContinuar »