brave all the difficult struggles, and to and consider results, would yet give his avert all the impending dangers with which cordial support to the government, in we could possibly be threatened. He spite of the errors to which he would not trusted, that all which it might be neces- allow himself to be wilfully blind. If at sary for him to say in the course of the ob- any time this latter course of proceeding servations which he should take the liberty was justifiable, when the judgment of of submitting to the house, might be con- every man who possessed any judgment sidered with a reference to this declaration. ought to be exercised, it was the present. But, with whatever confidence he felt him- The situation of the country divided itself self justified in looking to the resources of into two considerations, our relative situathe country, he also felt how incumbent it tion to the world, and our internal situawas on him and on the house to look tion. With regard to the former it was seriously to the situation of the country, impossible that any thing more just or to examine, to deliberate, and to deter- more eloquent could be said upon it, than mine, whether all that had passed in the what had been said by the hon. mover of conduct of the state had been without error, the address. With regard to the latter, it or whether some reflectious on what had afforded matter for deep meditation. A been done, might not have a favourable new parliament had been assembled, and influence on what was still to do. Assu- they were now for the first time about to redly it was in the power of any man, who review the transactions of an administra had turned his attention more particularly tion, composed of men of great talents, to public affairs, even of such an humble who entered upon office not ten months individual as himself, to throw out sugges- ago, with this particular and distinct detions to government without the slightest claration, that all those who had preceded intention of thwarting it, or without the them had been in the wrong; that they had most remote feeling to the members of" clubbed the battalion;" that every thing which it was composed. For many of those required correction and amendment; that members he professed to entertain the nothing was in its place; that our resources bighest consideration. Were it possible were exhausted, our credit destroyed, our that it should enter into the imagination of faith violated, and that we were unable to any man, at such a crisis as the present, to maintain our own rank among the nations, of set himself to a perverse opposition to go-Europe, much less to assist others in revernment, he must be thought not only gaining that which belonged to them. What insensible to public affairs as they then followed? At the end of ten months, these stood, but to all that had passed under a very gentlemen say that the resources of late administration; the history of the 15 the country remain unimpaired. Those last years of which, sufficiently shewed who but ten months ago, exclaimed that that was not the course of opposition that they were in a state of the utmost dilapiought to be pursued, or that was likely to [dation, now tell us not that they have produce beneficial effects; he alluded to been retrieved, not that they have been rethe conduct during the last war, of the established, but that they remain unimgentlemen who then sat on the bench which paired. That is, that they never have he and his friends now occupied. Both the been impaired. It was certainly very hon. proposer and the hon. seconder of the satisfactory to every man that there should address (and here he begged leave to re-be even this stale tribute paid to those who mark the distinguished performance at the had been formerly loaded with censure. present time, and the flattering promise for But surely it would be too much to expect the future, which their speeches afforded) that any man who had ever regulated his dwelt on the necessity of unanimity. Un- conduct by, who had followed the footquestionably the situation of the country steps of, or who had considered the name was calculated to produce unanimity. But of Pitt as connected with the glory and of unanimity there were different degrees. happiness of England, could pass this part There was a description of unanimity of his majesty's speech unnoticed. Amidst which blinded every man's judgment to the accusations that had been vented against every thing that was wrong, and thus made the late administration, those against their him the passive instrument of any ministry. foreign connections were not the least viBut there was another and a superior spe- rulent. It had been said, that the conti cies, the professor of which, while he in-nent had been lost by the confederacies sisted on his right to investigate measures, which England had so ill put together. But

what was the nature of the system that had the absence and loss of that great man, been substituted? It seemed as if those with whom, in politics, he had so frequentwho had happened to hear that a confede-ly differed; but the memory of which difracy was a bad thing, had determined to ferences ought no longer to exist. Those repel every ally that might, by opposite who were in habits of private friendship conduct, have been attracted to us. But with that great man might deplore him of this new system it would be worth while more feelingly, but it was impossible that to trace the operation as well as the cause. they could admire more than himself his On the first day of the first session of a transcendant talents-talents, the strength new parliament, during whose existence of which was sufficiently evinced by the the fate of the world might probably be awe and fear which his presence inspired in decided, in whose time a struggle would, the breasts of his political opponents. in all likelihood, take place, that would Having stated thus much, he trusted he terminate either in total destruction, or should be acquitted of any disrespectful complete safety, such a discussion was assu- iniputation in what he was about to say. redly most important and most proper. The In order to judge correctly of the situaspeech and address, which, at such a tion in which the country now found itself, period as the present, were any thing it was necessary to revert to the last conbut mere matters of form, might be federacy. After the dissolution of that considered in two distinct views. The confederacy, and considering the state in first was as a mutual pledge between the which Prussia and Russia stood, what was sovereign and his people. Had it been the clear and obvious policy of France, and possible to confine the speech and address what was the clear and obvious policy of to a description of the dangers of the coun- England? He would state it fairly. No try, and an enumeration of the best means man could hesitate in saying, that unfortu of deliverance from those dangers, he nate as that confederacy was, broken and would have been well content that the disjointed as it might be, yet were its scataddress should have gone up without altered limbs not without life and vigour. It whisper of remark. But there was another was the clear and obvious policy of Engview of the subject. The present was the land to unite those divided parts, and to constitutional opportunity afforded for both endeavour to produce an energetic whole. houses of parliament to express their opi- On the other hand, it was the clear and obnion not only of the relations of govern-vious policy of France to effect a complete ment with foreign states, but of the rela-dismemberment of the confederation, and tions of government with the country. Of if that could not be completely accomthis he begged to be understood that he was plished in reality, at least to accomplish it fully satisfied, whether when the official in appearance. Now, what had been the documents should be laid on the table it conduct of the two powers? Prussia signed might or might not appear that there had a treaty of access to the confederacy just been any remissness, or want of dexterity, previous to its dissolution; an unequivocal or blameable attention to delusive promi- proof of the disposition of the court of ses, that the cause of this country against Berlin, manifested still more strongly by France would not admit of the smallest the declaration since published. Subsequestion. The only matter in dispute was quently, however, Prussia was forced into not whether or not the cause was sufficient- measures, which brought upon her the ly strong, but whether or not the cause prompt resentment of this country. But had been prosecuted in the best manner, at the time that the house of commons apand at the most proper time. If it could proved of that resentment, did they know be proved (which he did not in the least that a negociation was carrying on with degree mean to insinuate), that the nego- France, for the restoration of that which ciation had wilfully failed, he should be Prussia had seized? There were two dissorry that that circumstance should lead to tinct questions. If it were simply asked, the slightest hesitation in giving the most would you go to war for the recovery unqualified support to the war. In pro- that unjustly wrested from you? the ansecuting his consideration of the subject, swer would be, yes; but if a negociation he could not acquit the late house of com- were carrying on to obtain the same object mons of an act of inconsiderate confidence. in another quarter, then the war would be And here he must observe, that with every superfluous. Even were this principle doubtman in the house, he sincerely lamented ful, yet, coupled with the certainty that it

of

heard it asserted in one of these political assemblages, that all our ambassadors in future were tobe Ajaxes, Ulysses, and Phoenixes. Now it so happened, that there had been only one remove. Mr. Adair had suc

was the interest of this country to preserve vernment began to perceive their error, Prussia, to retain her as an enemy to and to think that there was really some* France, and to put up with, or overlook thing like war between France and Prussia, any conduct that might involve Great-from the trifling circumstance that the *Britain in contest with her, it became Prussian army was annihilated! They established and irresistible. The house then sent a few military men to their aid, would see what were the dreadful conse-and when the Prussian monarchy shall be quences of an original error in this respect; destroyed, they will perhaps send an army! consequences which were now felt too late. When the gentlemen opposite to him came While we were in the incongruous situa- into power, they exclaimed, that nothing tion to which it gave rise, a war commenced was more shabby than the foreign diplobetween Prussia and France, undeniably macy of Great Britain. It was even said, instigated by the demands made by this that there was not a man at a foreign court country, through her negociator at Paris. capable of writing a letter. As it was an It was true, Hanover was not the sole undoubted right possessed by the good peocause of this rupture, but it was the main ple of this country to canvass the conduct of one, as the subsequent declaration of Prus-their statesmen; he remembered to have sia proved. The conduct of Great Britain to Prussia was therefore thus: Prussia, unable to resist the power of France, encroached apon us; we had however the option to pass over the just cause of complaint which we possessed in consequence, and leave un-ceeded sir A. Paget at Vienna. Of course touched the only power in Europe which as he was single, he must be the phoenix! appeared capable of being the germ of an But, in our diplomatic intercourse with foalliance hostile to the ambitious views of reign courts, we were taught to look for -France. But the conduct of his majesty's periect frankness, sincerity, and openness ; ministers had been the converse of their freedom from trick and intrigue, and a sort policy. By that conduct, Prussia had been of pellucid simplicity. Now, what was compelled to act without our advice and the first tangible proof of this simplicity? assistance, and to plunge into a war, of Why, a minister at Paris negociating for which, if our advice could not have pre-peace, and another at Berlin instigating vented it, our assistance might at least have war for the same object! Such conduct meliorated the termination. He did not might be dextrous, it might be able-it mean to east the slightest imputation on might be any thing but frank, open, and unthe diplomatic character of the noble lord disguised. As to that passage in the speech employed by government on this occasion and the address, which congratulated the (lord Morpeth); no man was better fitted country, that in those councils which prefor the office, both from the qualities of his ceded the war between Prussia and France, head and heart, and because no man had his majesty had no share, he was astonished been a more constant advocate for the that such a topic of consolation could have justice of the cause of this country: but entered the head of any minister. Instead would any man of common reflection say, of shewing that they had attempted to prethat if the restoration of Hanover were the vent evils, ministers called for approbation, sole object, it was worth while to make war on the ground of having abstained from any ~ against Prussia? The British government interference! But he believed neither had continued at war with Prussia as long Berlin nor Vienna, nor even London could * as the Prussian resources were unimpaired, be thus consoled. It ought to have been and her strength unexhausted; but as soon our care that the difference between France as there seemed the prospect of a war be- and Prussia should not have been too sudtween France and Prussia, an ambassador denly blown into a flame, lest it should was dispatched to Berlin, with instructions have been too suddenly extinguished. In -adapted to all possibilities, except that this part of the address it was therefore which was most probable, namely, that impossible for him to concur: he by no war had actually commenced; for that means meant to imply doubt of the jusno provision had been made, an event of tice of his majesty's quarrel with Prus“which the most common information might sia; but if France, by a nominal and illuhave shewn the likelihood. As soon, how-sive transfer of Hanover to Prussia, could ever, as lord Morpeth returned, our go-plant a cause of dissention between Prussia VOL. VIII

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allegation, which he had no doubt that the French government had completely misrepresented, was, that we had refused to treat except in conjunction with our allies. Now, from the partial documents that had been published, it appeared that that had been the case in the first instance, but that afterwards the British government had

would be satisfactorily cleared up, as the address stated in high terms of panegyric, the great care of his majesty for his allies. The particular mention of Russia and Swe

and Great Britain, was not this a contri-propria quæ maribus. The third unproved vance of the enemy which nothing but the plain and simple diplomacy adopted by our government could be blind to? France found Great Britain and Prussia in amity; with a tendency to coalesce. What was her object? To divide them; and by a pretended transfer to Prussia of the hereditary dominions of the king of Great Britain, to create a war between the two coun-treated alone. He had no doubt that this tries. With respect to the negociation with France, this was not a time to discuss it, although some observations made by the hon. mover of the address might justify some strong comments upon that negocia-den, was proof that some misrepresentation. But it would be better to reserve tion existed.-Having thus stated the points these until the papers relative to the sub- which it was necessary for his majesty's ject should be in possession of the house. ministers to elucidate, and having consiHe thought, however, that it would be dered the state of this country with respect but fair to state to his majesty's ministers to foreign relations, he proceeded to exawhat, as far as the documents had tran-mine our domestic situation. It was imspired, appeared to him to be the defective possible but that he must look at our means parts of their case. The British declara-of internal strength with the utmost serition contained three unproved allegations. ousness. We must examine the physical The first was, that the overture for peace force, and the spirit by which it was achad come from France; and as this was tuated. Our internal policy was intimatealso insisted on in the speech, he had no ly connected with this contemplation. And doubt that ministers had something to pro- first, with regard to the dissolution of the duce, which would give an entirely new last parliament; there was a great diffe colour to this part of the transaction. He rence between questioning the exercise of denied, however, entertaining any opinion an independent prerogative, and questionthat had the offer of peace proceeded from ing the propriety of exercising it at such a England, ministers would have been cul-period. If the dissolution were prompted pable. Had peace been a desirable thing, by party views, with the hope of giving a it mattered little in what quarter the pro- triumph to ministers, and if, for these purposal for it originated.-Adverting to Mr.poses, they created and revived party dif Fox's first letter to M. Talleyrand, he ob- ferences, at a time when they loudly called served, that there were fifty other and bet- for unanimity, their conduct was highly ter ways in which the intelligence which culpable. But he had no doubt that miit contained might have been communicated, nisters had some great public advantage to and he condemned most strongly the re-gain; for he could not suppose that they mereception which the answer to that letter ex-ly wished to obtain a few supporters in parlia perienced. The assertion that the British ment, at least this he was sure they would government were beginning a new course, not avow.-Another class of observations as illustrated by the transaction alluded would apply to the practical means of deto, was false. Never had the British go- fence and attack which the country posses vernment been the stimulators of assassi-sed, and the mode in which those means nation. Had he held the situation which had been managed and applied. Now, it the late right hon. gent. occupied, he should was most extraordinary that in reading the have thought it his duty to repel the accu-speech, and the history of the last year, sation with contempt and indignation. The no one could suspect that the country was second unproved allegation, contained in at war. There was not a feature of war the British declaration, related to the basis in the speech, nor an act of war during the of the negociation, which was asserted to last year, in which government could asbe the uti possidetis; now throughout the sume any credit. There had not been negociation the basis referred to was that even a single warlike plan, much less any stated in Mr. Fox's letter, the mutual ho-warlike achievement. As for the internal nour of the countries; a basis no more defence of the country, a most laboured like the uti possidetis, than it was like the scheme had been brought forward last

session, and when the right hon. gent. than he had improved their character by (Mr. Windham) by whom it had been pro- the monopoly of shoulder-knots and cockduced, had been repeatedly questioned ades? The report of their discontent must whether or not it was intended to put it in have reached him. If not, it was time that execution, the answer was uniformly in the he should be told of it. Let him recollect affirmative. In no single parish, however, the recall of officers who had nobly fought had the slightest step been taken towards and conquered for their country. Was sir this end; and yet it was a reliance on this John Stuart's being superseded by the broscheme that had been held out to induce ther of a secretary of state (Gen. Fox), parliament to allow the volunteers to crum-calculated to give animation and enthuble away, the militia to be diminished, and siasm to the army? And when an expethe regular army to be sent experimenting.dition was ready for embarkation, were not And what kind of experimenting? We the hopes of many gallant officers who alhad heard of a great statesman, who strip-ready anticipated victory at the head of ped the country of troops, which he em- their brigades, disappointed, because the ployed on various active services, and then rank of a favourite of that right hon. gent. boasted that he defended it at a distance. (colonel Craufurd) to whom he meant no Could the gentlemen opposite make a si- disrespect, was not entitled to command milar boast? After orders, and counter-them?-He had before observed, that in the orders, and confirmations of orders, and speech, all notice of war seemed studirevocations of confirmations, and counter-ously to have been passed over, and yet mands, &c. &c. &c. an expedition actually some debts of gratitude remained to be did sail from the Downs, and arrived-paid; some acts of heroism had been diswhere? at Plymouth! Certainly a place played, which, had it been for no other purnot very well provided with means of de- pose than to shew that the British army fence; and had this same expedition pro- already possessed the character which the ceeded to some possession of the enemy not right hon. gent. only wished it did possess, superior in strength to Plymouth, they very might surely have been mentioned. To possibly might have succeeded in taking it. the records of parliament, the historian But perhaps this was meant as an experi- looked for his materials. It was cruel to ment. It might have been said, "We'll deprive the hero of the honourable reward sail from the Downs, land at Plymouth, of his military achievements, and it was and surprize the dockers." It is prudent to disgraceful that government should dislike try to swim upon a table, before commit- to sprinkle over the gloom of despondency ting oneself to the waves. The right hon. with some of those achievements. It was true, gent. was not accustomed to salt water, they might say, that these achievements and he wished to begin with fresh. But were not of their planning; but this was a could the country forget the loudness of period when party feelings should not withhis accusations against his predecessors for hold every glorious incitement to great what he termed their supineness and ne- actions. On these grounds, on the defiglect? Yet what had he himself done? When ciency of that which ought to have been war was raging in Prussia, our peace minis-recorded in the speech, it was impossible ter was on his return! The whole amount for him to satisfy his feelings with the conof the right hon. gent.'s campaign was a tinuation of that omission in the address. fire-work before Boulogne, and-(yet that The usual form in similar instances, had wanted confirmation)-an embarkation on been to endeavour to render the answer the Paddington canal. But for the un- to the speech a vehicle for such sentiments common openness of the weather, it is pro- as it might be wished to add ; but the prebable that his army would have been frozen sent speech was so contrived, that there up at Uxbridge (a laugh). But these were was not a niche in which the additional not the heaviest charges against the right sentiments of parliament could be properhon. gent. That right hon. gent. had de-ly placed, although many important points clared it as his opinion, that in all military had been disregarded. There were many toestablishments, it was not the form, but pics on which amendment to the address the soul, the spirit, the nice sense of ho- might be introduced, so many that he prenour, that were to be cultivated and en-ferred substituting a new address altogether, couraged. Now, was not that right hon. leaving it to the option of the house which gent. aware, that by partial measures, he to adopt. He therefore proposed, by way of had disgusted and dispirited the army more amendment, to omit the whole of the address