circumstances so obviously hopeless as to commendation.-But the commendation of peace; and so obviously disadvantageous lord L. is not an apology for the governto this country, if peace was not to be the ment; what they can have had in view is issue. But I do not concur with those who utterly inscrutable. "Beaucoup se prélay the blame of this endless delay on pare," was the constant language of M. lord Lauderdale, still less on lord Yar- Talleyrand, "we are meditating great mouth, and his production of his full things;" and the event has proved that he powers. The assertion that lord Yar-spoke truth. Had we any mighty premouth's production of his full powers parations on foot, which it required the pledged this country to the continuance of cloak of a negociation to conceal? Had the negociation, (p. 136) I will not say is we any great stroke of policy to execute ? unfounded; but I confess it is to me per- any splendid enterprise to achieve, which perfectly unintelligible. At all events, was to burst forth upon the world at the lord Y.'s recall put an end to that difficulty; termination of the negociation, as a counand with him and his full powers the nego- terpart to the battle of Jena? No; but ciation might properly have ended. As to our gain, it seems, is of another sort. We lord Lauderdale, I am loth to notice what have gained a thorough knowledge of the I think an idle challenge, which has been ambition and artifice of the enemy! We thrown out to those who disapprove of the have brought away the conviction that a length of his stay at Paris, to point out peace was not attainable; such a peace at any earlier period at which he could pro-least as this country ought to be satisfied perly have come away. There are many to conclude. A great gain, no doubt, to such periods. The very first refusal of those to whom this knowledge was altopassports was one; the insolent excuse as-gether new: but having been for about signed for that refusal in M. Talleyrand's 14 years impressed with that opinion of the note of the 10th of August, (p. 161) an ex- enemy which is now said to be put beyond cuse in fact amounting to the declaration all question, I am perhaps the less sensible that M. Talleyrand will again withhold of the advantage. A salutary conviction I the passports required, if he again thinks am ready to allow, for those who went in it advisable to do so, was another; the search of such a peace in the sanguine exfirst official denial of the basis was another; pectation of finding it; but to me who did the period of lord Lauderdale's discovery not suppose it possible even to expect such that the negociation was "all a farce," a peace at this time, the experiment, if was another. At any one of these periods not altogether superfluous, appears at least lord L. might have come away, and I to have been unnecessarily long.-But this should have thought him right in doing so. is not all; we have established to our own But I do not therefore blame him for not satisfaction the justice of our cause. Here having taken a step of so much delicacy on again I am unfortunately insensible of the any of these occasions. Lord L. stood in value of what has been gained: for from a situation of great difficulty, An error on the beginning of the war in 1793 (for I the side of war might have been less for-reckon as nothing the interval of peace) I given than one on the side of peace. And I must say that it is the habit of this country, I think I may add of this house, rather to lean hard upon our foreign ministers, and not to make sufficient allowance for the heavy responsibility under which they often have to act, in circumstances, of which we do not see the difficulty, till we see at the same view how it has been got over. I should gladly have excused lord L. if his patience had been sooner exhausted: but I am not unwilling to own he may have judged more wisely in stretching it to the utmost and to the ability with which he conducted the business of his mission, and executed his instructions, I bear my testimony as unequivocally as any of his friends who have been most forward in his

have never doubted the justice of the cause of this country against revolutionary France. I am a stranger therefore to those transports which recent proselytism may experience.-But let us not depreciate these advantages, since they are all we have to boast of. If among those upon whom the new light has dawned, there should be any in high trust and confidence with their sovereign; if there be any member of the cabinet who required at this time of day to be convinced, that G. Britain was upon the whole in the right against France; if there be any one who held it as his creed, that France-poor France had hitherto been "more sinned against than sinning," and who is by the result of this negociation converted to a belief more favourable to

his country; I am willing to rejoice in his | Great Britain.-I am not aware of any other conversion. But let me hope of such a advantages which we can be supposed to man, that though his conviction is only of have derived from this negociation. But this date, he has the candour to carry back it is at an end. The course which is now the effect and operation of it to those pe- before us, cannot be mistaken; and I trust riods and transactions, in his judgment of we shall maufully pursue it. The country which he must now more than suspect he has the means, and I am confident it has was mistaken. Those who have arraigned the spirit and determination, to persevere former ministers for want of good faith and with firmness in a struggle, from which of pacific disposition in all preceding nego- there is no escape or retreat; and which ciations, and have given the enemy credit cannot be concluded, with safety to Great for the qualities which they denied to their Britain, but in proportion as with that country, must now begin to suspect that object is united the liberty and tranquillity they were not always well-founded in their of Europe.-We have come out of this suspicions, or scrupulously just in their negociation, in one respect, with honour; praise. If they have the candour, if they as having maintained in substance our faith have the modesty to arrogate to themselves with our allies. I attach the full value to the pretension that their accession to office this circumstance, and give ministers full has totally changed the character of Bri-credit for it. In other respects, I have tish councils, they will still be puzzled to stated freely what I think of their conduct; shew how it should also have operated a and I should not patiently bear to be told, change, in a precisely opposite direction, that in doing so I have transgressed the upon those of the enemy; and if they bounds of my duty, as an Englishman, or cannot do this, and if their earnest and as a member of parliament.-I have inanxious desire of honourable peace has deed heard it said, that in making such obbeen baffled and disappointed by the un-servations as I have taken the liberty to reasonable ambition, the extravagant pride make, in pointing out the errors of minisand passion of the French government- ters, in dwelling upon what (if wrong at what ground can they have now for doubt-all) are represented as merely slips in the ing that the negociations of former minis- declaration, persons who have taken that ters were conducted with the same sincerity, part have been guilty of petty cavilling, and failed only from the same causes and have exposed the weakness of their In this view, the faith which has been im-own cause. Cause? What cause? I have bibed by such illustrious converts, is mat- no cause in this business, but the cause of ter of real joy; it must contribute to the my country. I know not how I can better satisfaction of the country, as well as to serve that than by enquiring into the way the unanimity of the cabinet. It is cer-in which it has been managed by those who tainly no small satisfaction, that the since- have had the conduct of it; and if it has rity of Mr. Pitt in his attempts for peace, in any part been misconducted, it is better questioned as it has so often been by those that we should find out the fault ourselves, whom I now see sitting opposite to me, than leave it to the detection and comshould be vindicated, even according to ments of the enemy.-But it must indeed their own confession, by the result of Mr. be a mismanagement beyond any thing that Fox's negociations with France; and it I have dreamt of imputing to ministers, may be of no small advantage to the that could so far change the respective postate, in the present composition of the sitions of us and our enemy, as to put him government, that the conduct of the nego- wholly in the right and us in the wrong. ciations of Basle, of Paris, and of Lisle, Pity it is, if in any one particular, appearshould at length be fully justified in the ances have been suffered to be against us. eyes of the colleagues of lord Grenville. It is for that reason that the slips in the And this suggests to me yet another ad- declaration (if such they be), are to be vantage of the same sort, which has not deeply regretted and deplored.-It is been so much dwelt upon, but which I deeply to be regretted, that an assertion think scarcely inferior in importance. There should have gone forth to the world, in the is an end, I hope for ever, of the doctrine sacred name of his majesty, which cannot of being agreeable to the enemy." be substantiated by facts. It is deeply to France is no respecter of persons. The be regretted that the misconception (to single rule for the conduct of a British give it no harsher name) from which this statesman is, attachment to the interests of false assertion flowed, should have perva

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ded so large a portion of the negociation, it; and it is thus, in certain cases, very should have exhausted so much fruitless possible to rejoice at having missed what reasoning, and wasted so much precious was positively a good, or to regret what time, and led to the omission or misuse of would have been a positive evil. Thus, opportunities which it may be impossible war is undoubtedly per se a great calamity, to retrieve. And it is subject, not of bar-and peace an inestimable blessing; but rep regret only, but of prospective anxiety war may yet be felt to be preferable to an and of exhortation to ministers, that they inglorious and insecure peace. On the should revert as quickly as possible to the other hand, an inglorious and insecure pursuit of those objects, and that policy, peace is to be deprecated as an evil; yet it from which they have been so unfortunately is possible that a war may be so conducted and unaccountably led astray; and should as to render even such a peace an object seek to recover those advantages which in of desire.-Ministers have so contrived as the hopeless pursuit of unattainable peace to make this a question of no small doubt they were unavoidably tempted to abandon and perplexity. They make the choice. -the advantages of a cordial co-operation [between peace and war difficult, or, perwith all the remaining powers of the con-haps, almost indifferent. When I peruse tinent.-Sir, I understand the amendment their negociations, and see to what sort of of the hon. gent. (Mr. Whitbread) has a peace alone they could have led; with been disposed of. It is hardly necessary what chance of security, with what hope to say, that my vote is given most cordially of permanence; I am inclined to congraagainst it. I cannot agree with him, that tulate myself on the escape from such a such a peace appears to have been within peace to a continuance of tlie war: but on our reach, as would alone justify his insinu- the other hand, when I observe what sort ation, that a favourable opportunity has of a war the right hon. gent. (Mr. Windbeen thrown away. I do not wonder in- ham) carries on, I can scarce refrain from deed at his indignation, at finding himself casting back a wishful look at the negocia left alone in opinions which he has held for tion.-If the war were conducted with that › so many years in common with many of ability which we had a right to expect those who sit around him. Consistently from the character which the present ad◄ with those opinions, the hon. gent. had ministration gave of themselves, or suffera right to press such an amendment, and ed to be given of them by those nearest in to expect a very different reception of it. their confidence, and from the unsparing I certainly rejoice in that change of opinion censure and contempt which they lavished which leaves him without support; though, on the exertions of their predecessors in perhaps, I, like him, may be surprised at office; if it were conducted with that it. But I am still more surprised that, vigour which the country has a right to having determined to make no peace but demand at their hands, trusting them as it one of a very different character from that does, with all its means, and seconding with which the hon. gent. would have been them with all its zeal and exertion; if any satisfied, his honourable friends should blow had been struck against the enemy in have been eight months in making the dis- the course of the year, during which these covery, that a peace of a higher character ministers have wielded the whole strength was not to be obtained. With respect to of the empire; if every effort had been the address itself, I should be very loth in-made, or even every disposition manifestdeed upon any slight ground to break in ed, to give heart and hope to the nations upon that unanimity which is so desirable in a vote which is to assure his majesty of the support of his people; and which may be cousidered as addressed, in a certain degree, to the enemy and to Europe. My only difficulty arises from those general expressions of lamentation at the issue of the negociation, in which I cannot concur, without at least explaining and qualifying my concurrence. Regret or satisfaction at any event depends, in a great degree, upon comparison. We compare what we have missed, with what remains to us instead of

of the continent,-so that out of such war might arise the promise of an honourable, a secure, and a permanent peace; unquestionably, in that situation of things the rupture of the late negociation would be matter of unqualified joy, and I could not bring myself to concur in lamenting it.-But if the war that is to come, is to be the counterpart of that which we have hitherto witnessed since the accession of the present administration; if the events and exertions of the last ten months are to be taken us the sample and the measure

of our activity and achievements; if, while down as a basis by his majesty's govern the enemy insultingly tell us at every step ment in the first instance, was answered by of the negociation, beaucoup se prépare;" another, who maintained that it was rejectand telling us so, uniformly keep their ed by the French negociators at the very. word, on our part such opportunities are outset. It certainly could not be unsatisto be thrown away as have existed for the factory to his majesty's ministers, to see last three months, and as exist still, had the discussion carried on in such a manner we the spirit to take advantage of them; that their opponents completely answered if Buonaparte may traverse the continent each other, and left their cause triumphant. of Europe to its furthest extremities, and There was another satisfaction they had drain France of her last man, relying as obtained from the right hon. gent.'s speech, fearlessly and as securely upon our supine- which was his unqualified admission that ness, our sloth, and our despondency, as he was now convinced the overture came. he could have done upon our faithful ob- from the enemy. He had also expressed servance of the stipulations of the most ad- some degree of satisfaction at the good. vantageous treaty of peace; and, lastly, faith maintained towards our allies, thoughif that disheartening maxim, to which I that satisfaction he now expressed with some have already had occasion to refer with qualification. He feared the effects of an sorrow and shaine; that maxim which was opinion which he supposed to have preso deeply impressed upon the mind of the vailed on the Continent, that a separation government, even so long ago as the begin- of the interests of this country and Russia ning of the negociation, that it overflowed had taken place. There had, however, in confidential communication to France been no secrecy preserved on the situation herself; the maxim that there is nothing so of Great Britain and Russia, and during chimerical as any new project of continen- the last year it was evident to all the world tal confederacy against France; if that, I that their relations never had been more insay, still prevails, and prevails with all the timate. The right hon. gent. was comadditional weight which it may have ac-pletely mistaken when he imagined that it. quired from the unfortunate events which was these negociations which had dishearthave taken place, since it was first promul-ened Prussia, and hurried her into the war gated; then indeed seeing little to expect from such a war, conducted on such principles, under such auspices, and with no better hopes in the minds of those who have the charge of it, I can in that sense join in expressing my regret at the failure of the negociation; and with that explanation am willing to vote for the address as it stands.

with France. No communication made by France to Prussia of what was then passing, if any such communication ever was made, could have produced the effect he had supposed. Let him look at the date of Mr. Fox's letter to Talleyrand, in which it is admitted that there was no longer any chance of organizing a combination against France on the Continent, and he would Lord Henry Petty said, that after the ex- find that the treaty of offensive and defencellent speech of his noble friend (lord sive alliance betwen Prussia and France Howick) which remained in almost every was signed one month before the date of part unanswered, he did not think it ne- that letter. It was impossible, then,, that cessary to detain the house by many ob- any communication of the negociation servations. He certainly thought there made by France, could have instigated had been no cause for the surprise express- Prussia to her subsequent rash conduct. ed by the right hon. gent. who spoke last, The right hon. gent. had said that he would at the silence of the side of the house on look at no evidence of lord Yarmouth's, which he sat, after hearing the speech of but the paper he communicated to his mahis hon, friend (Mr. Whitbread). By this jesty's government; but the right hon. silence they had the opportunity of availing gent. must know that the paper to which themselves of the answer of the right hon. he referred was a memorandum of a verbal gent. to the opinion of one who thought communication. Why theu so much ob the French had been sincere in every part [jection to this verbal evidence? The hon. of the negociation; they had the advantage gent. considered Sicily as an exception to of seeing opposed the opinion of another, who considered the French to have been insincere throughout the whole. One who maintained the uti possidetis was not laid

the basis of the uti possidetis. In this instance, however, the enemy had been more. liberal, for, on the subject of that island, M. Talleyrand had said to lord Yar

as

mouth, "vous l'avez, nous ne vous la deman- | ministers in that instance duped by the dons pas." It was difficult to discover enemy? The noble lord lamented that no upon what ground the right hon. gent. sup- very immediate prospect opened of a reposed the French negociators denied that storation of the tranquillity of Europe, but the basis of uti possidetis had been adunit- trusted that soine check would yet be given ted. Let him look at the papers, and he to the ambition and domination of France; would find it stated by lord Lauderdale, one step to which he believed, under Prothat when the admission of that basis was vidence, had been accomplished in that urged by lord Yarmouth, general Clarke close union of England and Russia, a coundid not deny it, but pretended that it had try which the machinations of France had been talked of in loose conversations, now bound to us more intimately than ever. which he described 66 romans politi-He considered the good faith, candour, and ques." This was certainly a very different moderation of this country, as conspicuthing from a denial. If a bill was pre-ously set forth in the papers before the sented to the right hon. gent. for accep- house. He was one of those who lamented tance, and he was to say, that when he most deeply the death of that great and ilput his name to it, he meant nothing but a lustrious person who commenced the work joke, that surely would not amount to a of negociation, so short a time before the denial of his having accepted it. He would stroke of death cut the thread of his lifein that case at least acknowledge the fact a life which nothing but death could preof his having signed the bill. The noble vent from being serviceable to his country lord then applauded the zeal displayed and mankind. But it had pleased Prothroughout the negociation by lord Yar-vidence to give him the opportunity of mouth, but regretted that he had produced putting upon record those principles of mohis full powers before he received a satis-deration, good faith, and justice, by which factory answer respecting Sicily, though in he was guided, in those writings. Out of that instance he did full credit to the good such transactions as these arose the perintentions of his noble friend, as well as manent honour and glory of states: these in every other stage of the transactions. were lasting, while others were transitory. In reply to what had fallen from his hon. Thus was national honour and true public friend (Mr. Whitbread), he contended that glory preserved, and handed down to late no change of system had taken place in his posterity. These papers would form a volume majesty's government after what was called in the history of the present times, highly hothe political death of Mr. Fox. If his nourable to the great person who commenhon. friend would compare the instruc-ced them, and to those who conducted them. tions given to lord Yarmouth with the first demand made by lord Lauderdale on his arrival in Paris, he would find the basis of the uti possidetis distinctly mentioned in both. This was a proof that the principle of the negociation remained unaltered. To the assertion of the credulity of ministers, Lord Howick thought it an unusual it was only necessary to oppose a contrary course of proceeding, to adjourn a debate assertion, since it was incumbent on those upon the subject of an address where the who maintained that opinion, to point out house was unanimous as to the general obthe instances in which his majesty's mini-ject of that address. He had no wish to sters had been duped; no such thing had, prevent the learned gent. from addressing however, been attempted. Every negoci-the house, and however long his speech ation was liable to some disadvantage, from might be, he assured him he would listen the suspence it occasioned, and at a time to it with patience.

Mr. Perceval asked, whether it was intended to report this address to-morrow, as in that case he would not trouble the house at the late hour to which the debate had been protracted, but would state what he had to say, on bringing up the report.

when there was an active concert of allied Mr. Perceval took a review of all the powers against a common enemy, it might circumstances connected with the negoprove injurious; but at the same time, ciation, from which he drew these concluwhen the third coalition had been destroy-sions; that the enemy were never seriously ed, what injury of this kind could arise ? desirous of peace, and that ministers were If France had any sinister object in pro-the dupes of the artifice of the French gotracting the negociation, it could only be vernment. The object of the enemy for the separation of this country and Russia. engaging in the negociation was to play off But did she succeed, or were his majesty's England against Russia, and to compel