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then what happened? Why did not lord | cept the fullest assurances of his bigh conLauderdale demand a categorical answer sideration." at once? He had only to say, “this is Sir Thomas Turton rose and delivered his the basis on which we shall treat;” and maiden speech. He said, he did not think then he would have had a plain answer, aye he should satisfactorily discharge his duty to or no. In short, our ministers had been his constituents, to that house, or to himbamboozled from the beginning 10 the end. self, if he did not candidly avow his sentiMr. Burke had described the case of a ments, upon the present most important person in Turkey, who, while he received question, and state as candidly the reasons à certain unpleasant application, begeed upon which he grounded those sentiments, those who inflicted it to accept “ the assu- and which should alone influence bis vote rances of his bigh consideration.” This this night. He said, that in bis view of was the case with lord Lauderdale at first, the conduct of our ambassadors, the story but at length he seemed disposed to retort of their proceedings might be summed up not only on the prince of Benevento, the in a very concise way—that they were in prince of Ponte Corvo, and the duke of this country when they should have been in Berg, but even on the emperor himself. France, and that they remained in France Otherwise he would not have been de- long after that period at which they should scribed as betraying unsuitable, imperious, have dated their departure. He was and savage manners. He had no doubt anxious to assure the house, that the that the noble lord had done his duty, but grounds upon which his sentiments of the having satquietly in the Cyclops'cave, while general conduct of ministers during the the thunderbolts of war were forging against|late negociation were rested, were deduced his country, he could not think bim a solely from the papers now before the house; proper person to be entrusted with the ne- and the observations he had to offer to the gociation. He could see no benefit likely house upon those papers he should divide to accrue from sending a second nego- under three distinct heads; first, from the ciator, after the changes in Germany, which commencement of the negociation to the rendered any peace that could be made, time of lord Yarmouth's arrival. The as tbe noble lord observed, totally insecure. second period to which he should call the He charged ministers with obvious infe- attention of the house was from the arrival fiority to the late government, which they of lord Yarmouth in this country, to the represented as inetficient. He blamed refusal of the court of St. Petersburgh to them for the deficiency of their own per- ratify the treaty of M. d'Oubril ; and 3dly, formance, and for the recall of oflicers who from that period to the rupture of the late had done well, merely because they were negociation. As to the first, he would in objects of private pique. He joined general observe, that the first question that heartily in that part of ihe address, which would naturally suggest itself in the openpledged every heart and hand to the de- ing of any treaty for peace between the fence of the country; and if there had been belligerent powers would be, what further a disposition on the part of government, to advantages were to be expected by either sacrifice part of what was necessary to the party in the continuation of hostilities balance of power, the ill success of that such treaties should be conducted by a dispusition afforded double motives for policy conceded to by all nations, and invigorous exertions in war. Now was the deed in itself justifiable, the contracting time to put forth British fortitude. In parties concluding upon terms mutually peace, nothing was so becoming as meek- and respectively advantageous. In this ness; but when the trump of war was point of view, he could not be brought to sounded, the sinews ought to stiften, and think that the conduct of our ministers in the senses become fierce as those of a tiger. managing that treaty was marked with that Let ministers be vigilant and attentive, jealousy and caution which were so necesand they should bave his support; not uni-sary in any communication with a cabinet form, unqualified support, for he thought so proverbial for diplomatic intrigue as that it right to keep them alert by admonition of the enemy; at the same time he was and castigation, but qualified and rational willing to confess that if there was a inan support, according as they should be found in the empire peculiarly fitted for negocia. to deserve it. Many of them he esteemed tion with any continental power, more espersonally, and he particularly requested pecially for conducting a treaty with France the noble lord opposite (Howick)" to ac. the great and illustrious statesman whose loss was so generally and sincerely deplored, ftion. He thought the reasons assigned by was that man. Though a long, and indeed the noble lord for producing bis full powers, an uniform opponent to the measures of ought to acquit ministers on that ground. that great man, this admission justice re- The noble jord said, in his first note quired from him, and he felt no reluctance to general Clarke, that he was ready to in acceding to it; nor, as he never opposed discuss the basis of a general peace. Hence him but when he thought him wrong, so it was to be inferred, that the basis was not he did not now panegyrize him without considered as settled. He should have reason. He had said, that he (Mr. Fox) was thought that lord Lauderdale would have best calculated to negociate with France : been instructed to bring this matter to a and why?-because the artifice, finesse, and conclusion. Till the 20th of April absolutely machiavelian tricks of the court of Saint nothing was done, and the whole six Cloud could be effectually opposed only months passed in negociation were nugar by the candour and manly simplicity of story. Though it might be a question, wher Mr. Fox. He did not look upon a nego-ther M. d'Oubril bad exceeded his powers ciation on the basis of the treaty of Amiens, in concluding the treaty he had signed. as so very alarming as it was described to there could be no doubt that he had author be out of doors. Though Bonaparte might|rity to treat separately; and there were gain ships and colonies and commerce, he even rumours that negociations were going could never gain a growth of English on at Petersburgh at the present mosailors, and therefore we had nothing to fear. ment. He thought we should consider, The superior skill and elegance of our therefore, whether Russia had a claim on fabrics would always secure the commerce us for all this attention, amounting to a reand manufactures of our country. He fusal to make peace without ber, even when was of opinion, that the assassin whom there could be no assurance that she was Mr. Fox denounced, was a spy of the as decidedly with us. As to the question French government,' like Meliée de la respecting Hanover, there was no Briton Touche. Only three points were agreed that was not prepared to make any sacriupon in the long negociation that had fice for its recovery, if the loss of his mataken place, the integrity of the Turkish jesty's electoral dominions would produce Empire, the cession of Hanover, and the a wrinkle on the brow of his declining rigist of Great Britain to interfere with the years. He could not agree with the noarrangements of the Continent. We re ble lord, that, if we had secured Sicily fused, however, to treat further without and Dalmatia, we might have given up all Russia, and on what ground : We had no our other conquests. He saw no reason treaty with Russia, except the treaty of why we should not have claimed Naples as concert. That was a treaty of subsidy well as Sicily. It appeared to bio extraorand of military operations. In this sense dinary, that the question of indempity for it could not be in force, for since the battle the king of Sardinia, who had been abanof Austerlitz, no Russian army had acted, doned at the treaty of Amiens, had been in and therefore no subsidy could be claimed. this instance revived. He was sorry 10 The basis of the uti possidetis, subject to differ from his hon, friend, with respect to exchange and cession, had been acted upon. the policy of our supporting Prussia. The It was impossible to imagine any thing se whole bistory of that power for the last 60 vague as the principle of a peace honour-years, shewed, that her invariable policy able to both parties ; for the honour of was directed to her own aggrandizement. each, and what that honour required, was She had been the eterval enemy of Austria, entirely in its own conception. He con- and the uniforma friend of all the different demned the employing of a person, not successive goveraments of France since the used to diploniatic transactions, in the con- French revolution. He was glad to have duct of the negociation. If an experienced observed in the address on the speech at person had been employed, the basis would the opening of the session, that there was have been early acknowledged, or the ne- none of that desponding language of exgociation would have been broken off. The hausted means and dilapidated resources, negociation was meant but to entrap; and used on other occasions, contained in it. bence the aversion to written documents. The resources of the empire were said to The proposition to indemnify the king of remain unimpaired, and if they were unNaples by the seizure of the Hanse Towns, impaired, it was owing to the measures of ought to have been rejected with indigna- that great statesman now no more (Mr. Vol. VIII.

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Pitt), to whose politics he had himself been the person most fit to be joined with him always attached. The sinking fund, which in the councils of his majesty. Had that had been the work of that illustrious states- advice been accepted, the destination of man, was that to which this country owed Mr. Fox would no doubt have been to that all its prosperity. It was the record of his office froin which he has so lately and unservices ; and well he might have said, when happily been torn by the hand of death bequeathing such a boon to his country ; Neither, sir, was it necessary for the hon. “ Non omnis moriar,

gent. to recur to those invidious topics, Multaque pars mei vitabit ruinam." which in his estimation disqualified the earl He hoped the honourable gentlemen oppo- of Lauderdale from acting in the capacity site would not hereafter give way to such de- of plenipotentiary from this country to sponding language as was contained in the France. The leaders of the different reJetter of the noble lord opposite (Howick)

to volutionary factions in France have expithe lord mayor, on thesubject of the capture ated their crimes by their blood. But if of Hamburgh. That noble lord appeared to the various qualifications for such a somewhat partial to these communications; situation possessed by my noble friend; he did not mean to say, however, that he bis extensive information, bis indefatigawas influenced in that respect by the caco- ble industry, his acknowledged talents, and ethes scribendi. The bon.bart. commented his inflexible integrity, could be added an with some severity upon the contents actual acquaintance with the characters and of the letter alluded to. He recommended persons of some of those with whom he to the noble lord, not to make such com. might have to transact business of such munications in future; and concluded, by importance, surely in the eyes of any reaassuring the house of his gratitude for their sonable man, it would decide the prefeindulgence, and that, though he bad rence in his favour.-It is not, however, trespassed at some length upon their pa. sir, merely for the purpose of animadverttience, he had not uttered a single senti- ing upon these objectionable parts of the ment that was not sincerely and conscien- speech of that hon. gent., of of refuting tiously the resultof his unbiassed judgment. bis argument that I have risen to-night, but

Mr. Whitbread rose, and spoke nearly as also for the purpose of expressing opinions, follows :-Mr. Speaker ; it was my wish to the influence of which upon my mind I am have spoken immediately after the hon.gent. not able to controul. So far from entering (Mr. Montague) who preceded the hon into the sentiments of the hon. gent., i bart. (Sir T. Turton), for the purpose of entertain those of a nature entirely oppooffering a few observations upon a speech site, respecting the negociation the details abounding with classical quotations, and of which are now under the consideration full of fanciful illustration ; but which, 1 of the house. I cannot concur in the confess, appears to me not to have con-language of the Declaration which it has tained the sort of reasoning likely to pro- been recommended to his majesty to putduce conviction upon the members of this lish, that the failure of the negociation is house ; far less to convey sentiments agree- attributable solely to the injustice and anable to the friends of either of those illus-bition of France; neither can I concur in trious men, whose loss we severally and voting an address which tends to annihilate deeply deplore. The hon. gent. has in all hopes of peace to this country and the formed us, that having twenty years since world. No one, sir, who may bave taken his seat in the house of coinmons, he thought it worth while to look at my situar has been absent from it for the last ten : tion personally, or to attend to the conbut, sir, one would have thought it im-duct I have adopted from the formation of possible, that he should not have heard of the existing administration to the present the political transactions which have taken day, can doubt of the pain I must expe. place within that period ; that he should rience in the execution of the task I feel not have known that the animosities and myself called upon to perform. - My contentions of which he was witness, had known love and enthusiastic veneration long since ceased; that the dissentions for the dead; my close connexion with, which he has endeavoured to revive are and affectionate friendship for the living; obsolete; and that at a inost critical period my active and zealous support of measures of the affairs of this country, one of those which I approved, but for which I was not great rivals represented to his sovereign, responsible; my public declarations on the however unsuccessfully, that the other was subject of this very negociation, upon the

faith of those whom I trusted; must, 1 character perfectly distinct.—The house, think, secure me against the slightest im. sir, has already heard a great deal of the putation of acting from any motives but details contained in these papers, and I those of unmixed and sacred duty.-Sir, I should be unwilling to detain you by any will confess that in conformity to the sen- unnecessary recurrence to the particulars timents I have always expressed in this of what has passed; but I trust I shall be house, peace is the object nearest my heart: excused if in my present situation I should and I need bardly explain, that by peace, 1ldwell somewhat minutely on those parts of mean peace achieved with honour. One, the transaction which at least justify my therefore, of the principal sources of gra- own conduct to myself. I have spared no lification to my mind arising out of the pains to inform myself

, I have omitted no change which took place some time since lopportunity which has offered of being in the councils of his majesty, was the either persuaded or convinced, but in vain. conviction that the first opportunity of -1 may be allowed, Mr. Speaker, to ineffecting a pacification with France, would dulge in the effusion of my heart, relative be seized and improved by the persons to the opening of the correspondence with now in power. I looked with an eager the French government. Sir, it was not eye for the first symptom that might indi- any disposition to ogle for peace, as it has cate the possibility of so joyful an event. been called by the hon. gent., which inI listened with an anxious ear for the first duced Mr. Fox either to invent (for to that favourable rumour: and when I caught the length it has been carried by some) or to grateful news of a correspondence actually give inforination of the circumstance which on foot, I drew happy onens of the eveni, gave rise to his first letter to M. Talleyfrom my firm persuasion that all the parties rand. It was the spontaneous act of that engaged were sincere; and from my belief noble and generous heart, impelled by no that peace sought in the spirit of peace is motive but that of the pure and exalted seldom sought in vain. When the scene benevolence with which it at all times overhad closed, when all hope had vanished, flowed.-Had he then thought peace as 'my disappointment was keen, but my con- impossible as I am sorry to say my noble fidence was unabated. Upon the faith I friend has now represented it to be; nay, had in my noble and hon. friends, and had it happened at a much earlier period, most especially in my noble friend and re- and he could have foreseen, and have been lation below me (lord Howick), I belie. sure that the battles of Marengo, Auster· ved that peace with France had not been litz, and Auerstadt could have been preconcluded, because it had not been possi- vented by the perpetration of a deed so ble to conclude it with honour. Certainly, foul; he would have rejected it with the then, I came to the consideration of the same indignation, and made the communipapers before you with the strongest feel- cation, which might counteract it, with a ings of partiality. I expected and was feeling of abhorrence as strong, and an disposed to find the cause of the English alacrity as decided as in the instance begovernment triumphant; the conduct of fore us. As an admirer of the qualities of the government of France without justifi- Mr. Fox's head and heart, I am glad such cation or apology.-If, with such previous an opportunity was afforded of exhibiting impressions, I am not satisfied that Eng. to mankind his genuine philanthropy in its land is undeniably in the right, and France brightest colours.--This letter,bir, however, as completely in the wrong; if I think | produced the correspondence, which forms

that, under any imaginable circumstances, the first part of the papers submitted to • it is the height of impolicy to declare that our consideration : and in all these letters, : all hope of peace must be abandoned ; written by Mr. Fox's hand, there is ex

how can I vote for the Address which is hibited a model of frankness, simplicity,

now proposed to you, or how can I re-wisdom, and resolution. It is obvious, • 'frain from stating the arguinents which in- that the proposal to negociate, came from • duce me to differ from those I so inuch the French government, aod that the basis

respect and admire, and whom it has suggested was the treaty of Amiens [No.4. hitherto been my pride to support of the Papers laid before Parliament, p.93.]

Nothing which I can have to utter will be By the address of Mr. Fox, this basis, . more painful than this, that I think I per. which as he truly said, might have been the

ceive in the beginning and the conclusion source of endless difference and dispute, of the negociation recently terminated, a was immediately superseded, and the true

basis of all treaties proposed; namely, by the arrival of lord Yarmouth from Paris " that the treaty should be reciprocally with a verbal communication from M. Tal" honourable to both countries and their leyrand to Mr. Fox. The substance of that “ allies.” (No. 4, p. 94.] At the same communication is given in the written note time, it was explicitly stated by Mr. Fox, of the 13th of June, [No. 12, p. 109.] and that England could not negociate unless unquestionably if we had received no inRussia was admitted as a party to the ne- formation but from the contents of that gociation. France, as she had an un-note, I must have been compelled to say doubted right to do, refused to consent to the basis of uti possidetis was not propothat proposition. It is unnecessary to sed by the French government at all. For. dwell upon the vague but ingenious rea- wpately however, sir, for himself, and for soning with which the French minister at the satisfaction of the house, my lord tempted to shake the purpose of Mr. Fox, Yarmouth is present at our deliberations, whose jealousy became justly alarmed by and has upon this and a former occasion the perseverance of M. Talleyraud; lest thrown great light upon the subject, and France should entertain the idea so dero- much assisted us in forming a judgment gatory to the dignity and the right of Great upon the case. Sir, my lord Yarmouth bas Britian, of excluding ber from all inter- told us that M. Talleyrand proposed the ference in continental affairs. An expla- basis of uti possidetis in those express ternis, pation, however, was produced on that and at the same time gave full assurance head, perfectly satisfactory, by a decla- of the disposition of France to make spesation that the French emperor wished cific concessions to England of the highest to erect it into a principle, " that each national importance.-Hanover was to be " country should have an interest and in-restored unequivocally and without con" terference in all that concerns the con- pensation. Mr. Fox instantly adopted the “ tinent of Europe.” (No. 10, p. 105.] proposition to treat upon this basis. The Still the point of joint or separate negocia-difficulty with regard to Russia having been tion was not adjusted, and the correspon- removed by the arrival of her plenipoten. dence had ceased from the 26th of April tiary at Paris, and it being understood to the 2d of June, when it was resumed that the two countries, although treating Ly M. Talleyrand in his letter of that separately would not sign treaties separate date. In answer to which, Mr. Fox from each other or be parties to any arstated that the difference between France rangement in which the honour of each and England as to the mode of negociating country, as well as her interests, was not was a difference of form rather than sub- guarded by the stipulations of the other. stance. But, sir, it must be acknowledged, -Mylord Yarmouth returned to Paris, and, had joint negociation been conceded by from whatever causes, found tbe French France, that dir. Fox would bave advised minister receding from the propositions its being commenced the next hour. (No.7, with which he had charged him. In these p. 97.) Sir, I would refer to the Papers circumstances lord Yarmouth conducted before the house, for the truth of the state- himself with propriety and dignity. [No. ment with which I have troubled you, and. 14, p. 111.] lle recalled to the recollecI would then ask of my noble friend, tion of M. Talleyrand the conversation whether up to the moment to which I have which had passed between them, the truth brought the transaction, there was any of which was acknowledged by the French other sine qud non than that of joint nego- minister; and held out no hope of a faciation? The unbappy term of uti possidetis vourable issue, under the altered dispohad neither been introduced nor thoughtsition of the court of France.--In this of: and most unlucky in my estimation it situation be addressed the letter to Mr. bas been that it was ever used, for it has Fox, which produced the spirited and in. proved the bane of the negociation.-Sir, dignant dispatch of the 26th of June [No. I must here repeat, that if a letter had 15, p. 112.) which my noble friend bas income from the French minister conceding formed us was the last written by the band the admission of Russia to the treaty, the of Mr, Fox. Much stress, sir, has been negociation would have gone on, and might laid by my noble friend on the arguments upon à free discussion of terms in the urged by him as tending to shew that Mr. hands of Mr. Fox (had it pleased God to Fox would not have consented to proceed

spare his invaluable life) have been brought in any negociation unless the uti possidetis • -- to a happy issue.-A ney æra commenced was acknowledged by the French governo

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