66 "viction that this failure can be ascribed | apprehend, individually, from the result of "only to the injustice and ambition of the contest, should be engaged. From "the French government; and we beg this principle arose the coalition, n which, "leave humbly to express to his majesty two powers joined, a third ought to have "our firin and constant resolution, to joined. That coalition was defeated by give to his majesty the most effectual means of the policy Prussia had thought support in a contest manifestly continu-proper to pursue. In the Spring of 1806, "ed, on the part of the enemy, with the the continent afforded a very gloomy pro"hope of destroying the power and inde, spect. Austria was prostrate at the feet of "pendence of the British Empire." France; Prussia was bound to France in Lord Yarmouth apologized for offering an alliance, offensive and defensive. There himself to the notice of the house so early was no longer any hope of saving Europe in the debate. He trusted he should be by war. The only remaining chance of acquitted of presumption, in claiming the saving it was by peace. The existence of priority of persons much better able to Austria could be preserved by peace alone: direct the judgement of the house, by the peace alone could break the union between candour of gentlemen on every side, who Russia and France, so detrimental to every would be sensible of the propriety of his hope of the deliverance of the world as an offering an elucidation of some circumstan-union cemented by the transfer of a part of ces respecting the negociation, and some his majesty's dominions. It was of little respecting himself in this early stage of moment, which power had made the first the debate. It was essential that he should overture. The first that overcame the rescue himself from some imputations cast mad and foolish pride of robbing nations upon him, in another place, by a noble of peace rather than make an overture, lord high in authority, to whom he could was entitled to the praise of both nations, not regularly allude. He had seen the ex- and of all mankind. The great statesman, pressions he alluded to in a very respect- whose loss Europe had to deplore, (Mr. able newspaper early on Saturday. He Fox) had conducted the earlier part of the could not doubt the authenticity of the re- negociation by the channel of a private port, and he wished to set himself right correspondence, the substance of which with the house, and to set the house right was before the house, When he (lord with respect to the question in the points Yarmouth) was introduced into the negoto which he meant particularly to advert. ciation, one great difficulty in the way of He thought he could prove to the house, peace was the connection with Russia. that the reflections cast upon him were un- That, however, might be got over on pafounded. He hoped it would not be taking per. But there was a difficulty with reup too much of the time of the house if spect to Hanover, which was much less cahe should, in his view of the subject under pable of management. It was known that debate, go back to the causes of the pre-we should spurn any peace which would sent war. Considering the assigned grounds not be coupled with the restitution of Hafor the renewal of the war, he was of opi-nover to our sovereign. But at the nion, that at the beginning of this year same time Prussia had been the unaltethere was strong reason for entering into rable ally of France since the revolution, negociations for peace. One great cause and Hanover had been conveyed to Prusof the war was the impossibility of obtain-sia, as well in reward of that alliance as in ing a sufficient guarantee for the security consideration of valuable cessions in exof Malta. An official statement in the change. Hence it was material, that the Moniteur declared, long after the com- intended cession should be made matter of mencement of the war, that so long as confidential verbal communication till the England retained Malta, Buonaparte would peace, for which it was to be ceded, should not relinquish the sovereignty of the king-be ascertained and agreed upon. The dom of Italy. Malta, however, was not communication was made confidentially, the only cause of the war the desire to and treated of in letters from one friend to resist the aggrandisement of France was another. So he might speak of the mianother cause. Russia was as averse as we nisters of foreign relations of this country to the overbearing power and character of and of France, though the countries were France. But Russia was unwilling to en-at war. Though both parties, actuated by gage in the enterprise of reducing France, a desire of peace, had covenanted for the till Great Britain, which had little danger to cession of Hanover is one of the terms, 1 yet it was required on one side, and agreed ing to mutual interest and convenience. to as reasonable on the other, that, with a The negociation might have proceeded on view not to dissolve the bonds which uni-this understanding, were it not for the ted France with Prussia, this agreement jealousies conceived by the political death should not be disclosed, unless peace should of Mr. Fox, which was understood to have have taken place. In the beginning of taken place the 17th of July. He had preJune, the proposal was sent by him to Mr.sented a note to assert the basis of the uti Fox. He declined putting it on paper, in possidetis, as soon as he had communicated regard to the confidential restriction impo-his full powers; and, in his second note, sed by the French government; and it was that basis was insisted upon as much as it not till the day of his departure for France, could be. It was not easy in private with the answer of his majesty's govern- quarrels to make an individual eat his ment, that he was induced, on the repre- words; but it was much more difficult to sentation of Mr. Fox that we were all bring to that submission a man who was -mortal, and that in cases of such impor- at the head of 500,000 troops. Hence tance, some fixed record, independent of the management to avoid a retractation, human casualties, should be preserved, the word adopte was substituted for the that he was induced, on the faith of an as-word reconnoit, in the acknowledgement of surance that the document should not pass the long-contested basis. Little progress the cabinet, to commit the substance of the was made in the negociation, and scarcely proposal made to him, to writing. He did had an exchange of visits taken place, when not mean to decorate himself with plumes M. D'Oubril arrived at Paris. It was of to which he was not entitled. It might be little moment now to enquire, whether the true that one motive for choosing him to be treaty signed by M. D'Oubril was the act the instrument of the negociation was his of his own impropriety, or whether the rehaving been the bearer of the proposition fusal to ratify it arose merely from a from the French government; but, if it change in the Russian ministry, subsequent were inferred, as it had gone abroad, that to his setting out on his mission. He had he had been chosen on that ground only, given his majesty's ministers intimation by without any regard to qualification, the which they might have anticipated the posinference was false. He regretted as much sibility of M. D'Oubril's concluding a seas any one, that the choice of his majesty's parate treaty; and in fact he did, two government had not fallen on some person days after, sign a separate treaty. Then of greater ability; but it was at the same arose the difficulty of his (lord Yartime material to be known, that any other mouth's) situation; and on this point person in such a capacity would not have particularly he trusted to the candour been suffered to remain 12 hours in Paris of the house for a patient hearing, though without producing his full powers. M. the statement was, he was aware, ted'Oubril was not suffered to remain so long dious. On Saturday morning, on getting without producing them; and he believed up, he had read these words in a respectable it was a case unparalleled in history, that newspaper, imputed to somebody he could he (lord Yarmouth), was not called upon to not say who, the noble lord (Yarmouth) produce his. He had hoped that the pri- having instructions not to produce his full vate letter of Mr. Fox to M.Talleyrand, con- powers, without a written acknowledgeveyed by him, contained some memoran-ment of the desired basis, did think it produm of the substance of what he had com- per to produce those powers." It was immunicated, and he told Mr. Fox he did possible he could have had such instruchope so. He communicated to M. Talley- tions. It was a known thing, that no pa rand the wishes of this government; he per could pass, till the full powers had been made the demands he was instructed to exhibited. He was instructed to present a prefer, in a fair, direct, and manly manner, paper, containing the sentiments of his maand not with any artifice for the purpose jesty's government, to the French minister. of taking in. He did state the basis of the But the French minister refused to receive intended negociation to be, that of actual it as a diplomatic communication, without possession, and no objection was made to an exhibition of full powers. The French that statement then, or at any other time, minister desired him, in these circumstanit being always understood that, though ces, to go home and copy the note, and the uti possidetis was the basis, it was sub- give it to him as an extract from a newspaject to explanation and variation, accord-per; and then he would answer it, under confidence would arise. an engagement not to make the contents | might have had news of him, and of the public. If his majesty's ministers were de-issue of the negociation with which he was sirous to get a written acknowledgement of entrusted, in a fortnight after the close of the basis in question, there should have the proceedings. He wished he had had been a letter on the subject to the French provisional instructions how he should act minister, which he would have been well in the event of the conclusion of a sepacontented to have delivered as a mere rate treaty by D'Oubril. Then he would post-boy, and which must have called forth have been "in utrumque paratus." But it an answer. This answer he might have had was not till the fact of the signature of the authority to open, and thus a written acknow-separate treaty was known to all the courts ledgement of the basis might have been ob- of Europe, that instructions were sent to tained, which would not have been denied him how to regulate his conduct upon that except in a moment of anger. In the events event. Shortly after, lord Lauderdale was that had occurred, even the agreement to joined with him in the management of the cede Hanover might have been denied. He negociation. He had too long an acquaintexpected it would have been, and it pro-ance with that noble lord, too high a value bably would, had it not been for the war upon that acquaintance, too high a sense between France and Prussia. When he of his talents and his character, to feel hurt had received the communication, reflect upon that appointment. He owned that ing on his disclosure of his full pow- some men might have felt themselves hurt ers, he had sent a justification on the at the conduct of his majesty's ministers in most material points, as between him the matter; but he had too high a respect and his majesty's ministers. He did not for the noble lord, to allow him to see that conceive that what he wrote would come he felt himself from that time to be a mere before the public, or he would have dead letter; besides, he dreaded, that if he written a great deal more. He had should withdraw from the negociation, new no instruction to withhold his full pow-difficulties and fresh coldness, and want of ers, except on the ground of Sicily: No one could and he considered the consent of his doubt that the opportunity was favourable majesty's ministers to negociate for that for the conclusion of a more glorious peace island, as an evasion of the claim to than had at any other time been offered to its absolute, unqualified cession, which this country. We had broken off in the he had been before instructed to insist consideration of Dalmatia and Sicily. Our upon as a necessary preliminary to the engagements with the emperor of Russia farther progress of the negociation. The were the ground of this tenacity, and our only question between him and his engagements with the king of Naples, and majesty's ministers was, the question of the intrinsic value of the island of Sicily expediency; and his answer to what they itself. It was not very easy to justify the urged against him on this point was, that breaking off a negociation so essential to he could not possibly have advanced a step the repose of two great nations, without the further in the negociation without exhibit-proof of having made every reasonable at◄ ing his full powers. It would have been a tempt to bring it to a favourable issue. question in that case with the French go- What we thought due to the honour of vernment, whether it should sacrifice the Russia, certainly could not wear an unfachance of peace with England, and with vourable appearance when proposed by us, that chance the king's German dominions, but we should be informed whether Russia to the preservation of its alliance with herself set an equal value upon what we inPrussia or whether it would encounter a sisted upon, from a sense of her regarding Prussian war for the chance of a negocia-it with equal estimation. When the king tion with England. In order to create an of Naples entered into the war, with a view alternative in this case, he thought it ne- to the common interests of nations, he was cessary to give a real existence to the ne-naturally defended by a great part of the gociation by the exhibition of his full disposeable force of this empire at a vast powers. If he had not taken that resolution, he should have been under the necessity of getting into a post-chaise, and proceeding, not to Boulogne, for he was not an accredited negociator, but to some other part from whence his majesty's ministers expence. He wished we could be told that we were at war, because the emperor of Russia disapproved of the terms offered for himself or for the king of Naples. What would the country think when we were told, that more glorious terms than had Mr. Montague regretted, that in the whole of this business he saw the complete success of the machinations of France. The French policy put him in mind of the policy of the ancient Turks, which was, to make short truces to secure conquests, and ever before been offered, had been rejected | lord was instructed to demand his passports at a time when we had failed in every con- in civil terms, and to come away. He was tinental attempt, merely on the ground of only surprised, that, after the explanation this one impediment? But was it to be that had already been given to this effect, supposed that the king of Naples. would the noble lord should have thought the not have been extremely happy to exchange vindication he had entered into at all neSicily, from which he might easily be ex-cessary. pelled by France at a favourable opportunity, for some possession which the maritine superiority of Great Britain would always be sufficient to preserve to him, or some one which, by its own territorial power, would be sufficient to maintain itself? Dalmatia and Albania had been of-short wars to enlarge them. Considering fered to the king of Naples, and it was not clear, if the attempt had been made, but the Balearic Isles might have been annexed to these: Dalmatia would have excited more jealousy if given to Russia, than if given to Austria or Naples. If it was clear that the war was continued because justice would not be done to our allies, there would be no doubt as to the resolution the house ought to come to; no more ought there to be if the war were continued on account of India. But if it was continued on the former ground, the identity of the sentiments and the reciprocity of the obligations of our allies, ought to be established. He had risen merely to rescue his own conduct from the very extraordinary situation of a public man, charged with violating instructions which he had never received. the case on this principle, we might find Méne salis placidi vultum fluctusque quietos Lord Howick thought he had stated, as distinctly as possible, that the noble lord had had no instructions to insist on a writ-Fox? Did Mr. Fox distrust the demon? ten acknowledgement of the basis in the No, he was earnestly desirous of making first instance. As the noble lord stated, peace, and of this desire the French had he was sent to carry a verbal answer to a taken advantage. He lamented the death verbal proposition, He was instructed to of Mr. Fox. He was acquainted with him, obtain in this way an acknowledgement of and valued him as a man; but during the the basis, and directed not to use his full last 20 years, he had always differed with powers till the French government should him in politics, and in all that period, he had return to the basis on which it had set out. never altered his conduct, which, in these It was not a written but an actual acknow- times of shifting and returning, was rather ledgement that the noble lord had been a singular instance. As to the first overinstructed to claim, previous to the pro-ture, he considered it as having come from duction of his full powers; and as soon as Mr. Fox, for his letter had broken the ice. he should have produced his powers, he It was impossible that those glauces and was directed to seek, in his first subsequent oglings at peace which it contained, could note, a written acknowledgement. Mr. escape the notice of such a penetrating poFox's letter went back to the original offer litician as M. Talleyrand. He did not like of the uti possidetis. The demand of Sicily the expression of perfect attachment to the was a violation of that offer; and it was man who had been the disturber of Europe on that ground that the noble lord was in the late wars. It was natural to expect ordered not to proceed one step further, that a fulsome letter should be sent in till that demand should be relinquished, answer; but this was not to be shewn to and the basis established; unless that re- John Bull. He was not to see that. In quisition were complied with, the noble saying this, he did not mean to cast any reflection on Mr. Fox more than the na- where he was not a proper person for the ture of the case warranted. When the business, because he was then a prisoner in friendship of Mr. Fox and M. Talleyrand France, and had hopes of freedom only began, he could not say. Perhaps it was through the medium of peace. This coun when Talleyrand was here, in 1792, and try ought not to have entrusted such a burhad kindled the flames of war over Europe. then to a man unaccustomed to diplomacy; He would pass over what had occurred pre- he said this without any disrespect to the vious to the arrival of lord Yarmouth. He noble lord, but really it was not fitting that acknowledged that Mr. Fox had exposed he should be sent to treat with such a man the sophistry of Talleyrand in a clear and as Talleyraud. This was very imprudent, manly manner. But, was it the policy of and it was not less ungenerous to censure Talleyrand to obtain peace? No. Why then the noble lord in this public manner, when it was nothing better than a truce upon he happened not to have pleased them. the principle before mentioned, to enable Now, as to the basis of the uti possidetis, Bonaparte to make preparations for his the whole lay between the assertions of attack on Russia and Prussia. Talleyrand the noble lord and of Talleyrand. A writsaw that Mr. Fox was desirous of peace, ten note would have made the matter clear, and though he himself was not desirous of and it was very inconsiderate in the governit, yet he knew how to make the most of ment not to have insisted upon this. But the disposition manifested by Mr. Fox. the fact was, that Mr. Fox did not like to He saw how he might distract, disappoint, put the question suddenly. He was afraid and confound us in all our operations, and he might lose his favourite object; followhe had succeeded. Mr. Fox's letter might, ing the policy of a man with a woman, he for any thing he knew to the contrary, did not ask her the question broadly at have been given to the French party at St. once, otherwise she might have slapped Petersburgh, with a view to create doubts the door in his face. From the conduct in the inind of the emperor. He knew not of the other noble lord (Lauderdale) enwhether Mr. Fox had the precaution to trusted with the negociation, in 1792, aud inform the emperor of Russia that he had his intimacy with the Brissotines, who had sent such a letter. It was sufficient to say, since put their king to death, and from the that he would not conclude peace without patience with which he had listened to the Russia, but he ought to have given the projects for the destruction of England, emperor notice beforehand. Talleyrand within the walls of the national assembly, might have even insisted, from that letter, he could not think him a fit person to be that a negociation was going on, and thus charged with the interests of his country in alienated the mind of our ally. Did he this negociation. He blamed the dalliance stick at going beyond the truth on another in which these ministers were kept. Their occasion? This negociation or truce was situation was no better than prisoners, merely a blind, to enable Buonaparte the being refused the passports they demanded. more securely to prepare for war against It reminded him of a story he had read in Prussia, our natural ally. It was only by the newspapers the other day, of a gentlea co-operation with Prussia that we could man, whom two prostitutes seized in Bondattack France. Now, he said that this street, and embraced so closely, one behind obvious policy was lost sight of in our late and another before, that he was unable to war with Prussia, in consequence of which move; while a third picked his pockets. we had no influence in his councils, so that They had granted him the fraternal em❤ the late calamities happened to the king, brace, and held him so tightly, that he and such was his situation now, that we could scarcely move, much less stir a hand must run all over Germany before we could or leg. He absolutely could not move, find him out. Buonaparte conjured up a so loving was this said hug. They treated phantom which set Prussia and us by the him as Mr. Burke said they had treated ears, and which, like the dispute of Achil-lord Malmsbury. They told him stories, les and Agamemnon, brought upon us a such as nurses tell children, "Poor whole Iliad of calamities. We did not baby bunting, the king is gone a hunting." seem to be aware of this. Now it was well Yes! he had gone a hunting with a venknown that Talleyrand was a man of considerable experience, and he chose the noble lord opposite (Yarmouth) to carry on the negociation under circumstances geance; but then it was to hunt the royal tiger of Prussia, and he carried with him a train no less numerous than that which preceded the tiger huntings in the east. And |