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withstand, or not to further his defigns. This being dif- + covered, he fends from his fide one Dillon, a papift lord, foon after a chief rebel, with letters into Ireland; and dispatches a commiffion under the great feal of Scotland, at that time in his own cuftody, commanding that they should forthwith, as had been formerly agreed, cause all the Irish to rife in arms. Who no fooner had received fuch command, but obeyed, and began in maffacre; for they knew no other way to make fure the proteftants, which was cominanded them exprefsly; and the way, it feems, left to their difcretion. He who hath a mind to read the commiffion itself, and found reason added why it was not likely to be forged, befides the atteftation of fo many Irish themselves, may have recourfe to a book, entitled, "The Mystery of Iniquity." Befides what the parliament itself in the declaration of "no more addreffes" hath affirmed, that they have one copy of that commiffion in their own hands, attefted by the oaths of fome that were eye-witnelles, and had feen it under the feal others of the principal rebels have confeffed, that this commiflion was the fummer before promised at London to the Irish commiffioners; to whom the king then discovered in plain words his great defire to be revenged on the parliament of England.

After the rebellion broke out, which in words' only he detefted, but underhand favoured and promoted by all the offices of friendship, correfpondence, and what poffible aid he could afford them, the particulars whereof are too many to be inferted here; I fuppofe no underftanding man could longer doubt who was "author or inftigator" of that rebellion. If there be who yet doubt, I refer them efpecially to that declaration of July 1643, with that of "no addrefles" 1647, and another full volume of examinations to be fet out fpeedily concerning this matter. Againft all which teftimonies, likelihoods, evidences, and apparent actions of his own, being fo abundant, his bare denial, though with imprecation, can no way countervail; and leaft of all in his own cause.

As for the commiffion granted them, he thinks to evade that by retorting, that " fome in England fight against

against him, and yet pretend his authority." But, though a parliament by the known laws may affirm juftly to have the king's authority, infeparable from that court, though divided from his perfon, it is not credible that the Irish rebels, who fo much tendered his person above his authority, and were by himn fo well received at Oxford, would be fo far from all humanity, as to flander him with a particular commiffion, figned and fent them by his own hand.

And of his good affection to the rebels this chapter itself is not without witnefs. He holds them lefs in fault than the Scots, as from whom they might allege to have fetched "their imitation;" making no difference between men that roie neceflarily to defend themfelves, which no proteftant doctrine ever difallowed, againft them who threatened war, and thofe who began a voluntary and canfelets rebellion, with the mafiacre of fo many thoufands, who never meant them harm.

He falls next to flathes, and a multitude of words, in all which is contained no more than what might be the plea of any guiltieft offender: He was not the author, becaufe "he hath the greateft fhare of lots and difhonour by what is committed." Who is there that offends God, or his neighbour, on whom the greateft fhare of lofs and difhonour lights not in the end? But in the act of doing evil, men ufe not to confider the event of thefe evil doings; or if they do, have then no power to curb the fway of their own wickednefs: fo that the greatcft fhare of lofs and difhonour to happen upon themfelves, is no argument that they were not guilty. This other is as weak, that "a King's intereft, above that of any other man, lies chiefly in the common welfare of his fubjects;" therefore no king will do aught against the cominon welfare. For by this evafion any tyrant might as well purge himfelf from the guilt of railing troubles or commotions among the people, becaufe undoubtedly his chief intereft lies in their fitting full.

I faid but now, that even this chapter, if nothing elfe, might iuffice to difcover his good affection to the rebels, which in this that follows too notorioufly ap

pears;

pears; imputing this infurrection to "the prepofterous. rigour, and unreasonable severity, the covetous zeal and uncharitable fury, of fome men," (these "fome men," by his continual paraphrafe, are meant the parliament;) and, laftly, "to the fear of utter extirpation." If the whole Irifhry of rebels had feed fome advocate to speak partially and fophiftically in their defence, he could have hardly dazzled better; yet nevertheless would have proved himself no other than a plaufible deceiver. And, perhaps (nay more than perhaps, for it is affirmed and extant under good evidence, that) thofe feigned terrours and jealoufies were either by the king himself, or the popish priests which were fent by him, put into the head of that inquifitive people, on fet purpose to engage them. them. For who had power "to opprefs" them, or to relieve them being oppreffed, but the king, or his immediate deputy? This rather fhould have made them rife against the king, than againft the parliament. Who threatened or ever thought of their extirpation, till they themselves had begun it to the English? As for " pre

pofterous rigour, covetous zeal, and uncharitable fury," they had more reafon to fufpect those evils first from his own commands, whom they faw ufing daily no greater argument to prove the truth of his religion than by enduring no other but his own Prelatical; and, to force it upon others, made epifcopal, ceremonial, and common-prayer book wars. But the papifts understood him better than by the outfide; and knew that those wars were their wars. Although if the commonwealth fhould be afraid to fupprefs open idolatry, left the papists thereupon fhould grow defperate, this were to let them grow and become our perfecutors, while we neglected what we might have done evangelically to be their reformers: or to do as his father James did, who instead of taking heart and putting confidence in God by fuch a deliverance as from the powder-plot, though it went not off, yet with the mere conceit of it, as fome observe, was hit into fuch a hectic trembling between protestant and papift all his life after, that he never durft • The fecond edition has shivering. C

VOL. III.

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from that time do otherwife than equivocate or collogue with the pope and his adherents.

He would be thought to commiferate the fad effects of that rebellion, and to lament that "the tears and blood fpilt there did not quench the sparks of our civil" difcord here. But who began thefe diffenfions? and what can be more openly known than thofe retardings and delays, which by himself were continually devised, to hinder and put back the relief of thofe diftreffed protestants? which undoubtedly, had it not been then put back, might have faved many streams of those tears and that blood, whereof he feems here fo fadly to bewail the spilling. His manifold excufes, diverfions, and delays, are too well known to be recited here in particular, and too many.

But "he offered to go himself in perfon upon that expedition," and reckons up many furmifes why he thinks they would not fuffer him. But mentions not that by his underdealing to debauch armies here at home, and by his fecret intercourfe with the chief rebels, long ere that time every where known, he had brought the parliament into fo juft a diffidence of him, as that they durft not leave the public arms to his difpofal, much lefs an army to his conduct.

He concludes, "That next the fin of those who began that rebellion, theirs muft needs be who hindered the fuppreffing, or diverted the aids." But judgment rafhly given, ofttimes involves the judge himfelf. He finds fault with thofe "who threatened all extremity to the rebels," and pleads much that mercy fhould be shown them. It feems he found himfelf not fo much concerned as thofe who had loft fathers, brothers, wives and children by their cruelty; whom in juftice to retaliate is not, as he fuppofes, "unevangelical;" fo long as magiftracy and war are not laid down under the goipel. If this his fermon of affected mercy were not too pharifaical, how could he permit himself to cause the flaughter of fo many thoufands here in England for mere prerogatives, the toys and gewgaws of his crown, for copes and furplices, the trinkets of his priefts; and

not

not perceive his own zeal, while he taxes others, to be most prepofterous and unevangelical? Neither is there the fame caufe to deftroy a whole city for the ravishing of a fifter, not done out of villainy, and recompenfe offered by marriage; nor the fame caufe for those difci ples to fummon fire from Heaven upon the whole city where they were denied lodging; and for a nation by juft war and execution to flay whole families of them, who fo barbaroufly had flain whole families before. Did not all Ifrael do as much against the Benjamites for one rape committed by a few, and defended by the whole tribe? and did they not the fame to Jabefh-Gilead for not affifting them in that revenge? I fpeak not this that fuch measure should be meted rigorously to all the Irish, or as remembering that the parliament ever fo decreed; but to fhow that this his homily hath more craft and affectation in it, than of found doctrine.

But it was happy that his going into Ireland was not confented to; for either he had certainly turned his raifed forces against the parliament itself, or not gone at all; or had he gone, what work he would have made there, his own following words declare.

"He would have punished fome;" no queftion; for fome, perhaps, who were of leaft ufe, muft of neceffity have been facrificed to his reputation, and the convenience of his affairs. Others he "would have difarmhe" ed;" that is to fay, in his own time: but "all of them he would have protected from the fury of those that would have drowned them, if they had refused to swim down the popular ftream." Thefe expreffions are too often met, and too well underftood, for any man to doubt his meaning. By the "fury of thofe," he means no other than the juftice of parliament, to whom yet he had committed the whole bufinefs. Those who would have refused to fwim down the popular stream, our conftant key tells us to be papifts, prelates, and their faction; thefe, by his own confeffion here, he would have protected against his puritan parliament: and by this who fees not that he and the Irish rebels had but one aim, one and the fame drift, and would have forthwith joined in one body against us?