CHAPTER IV.

CAUSES LEADING TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

From early times there had been glaring defects in the organization of the French State. To be sure, the monarch had gathered into his own control the various administrative departments and was no longer hampered by a nobility that could dispute his authority; but from the start the financial system had not been on a stable basis. Although the nobility had ceased to be a political factor they still retained their privileges. One of these was exemption in the main from taxation. So while at least one-fifth of the land of France was owned by the noblesse, they bore little or no part in supporting the government. The clergy likewise were possessed of wide territories-one-third of all France, which was also free from taxation. This threw the burden of public expense upon the common people-the tradespeople, artisans, and peasantry. Nor was this the worst. The taille, a land tax, and the tithe, a church tax, had been inadequate to meet the needs, and duties had been levied upon commodities. Particularly hated was the gabelle, or tax on salt; this was not imposed equally but each province had its own regulation for the gabelle. In one province the duty on salt would amount to little; in a neighboring province, much. Moreover one was obliged to buy his salt in his own province even though it could be bought for much less in the adjoining one. Every householder was required to buy so many pounds annually for each member of his family. Yet this could be used for cooking only and he who would salt his fish or meat for winter use must needs purchase other salt sold for that purpose alone.

To add to the general misery, taxes were farmed out in France. That means that certain individuals would guarantee the government a given amount as the sum total of the yearly tax and proceed to collect as much as possible in addition to that amount the difference being their gain. Needless to say, these tax gatherers were cruel in their extortions. Yet

this was only a portion of the story, being but the exactions made by the State. The feudal dues were yet to be met.

In England only the eldest son was noble; in France all children of the noblesse were themselves noble. While the protection once provided the peasant by his lord was no longer given, the feudal dues and services were still required. The peasant was still obliged to work so many days each year for his lord as tenure for his holdings; he was still obliged to labor upon the highways so many days as a duty to the State. He must press his grapes in the lord's wine-press and bake his bread in the lord's bake oven, paying toll for each service. Tolls were demanded of him on roads and bridges; he could not even put his produce on the market until his lord's share had been disposed of. The peasant could not kill the rabbits and deer that destroyed his crops nor had he redress when a party of gay nobles came tearing across his fields in pursuit of game, even though the labor of a year might thus be wiped out. The noblesse even went so far as to farm out the administration of justice. In the courts the peasants obtained no justice and it is small wonder that they grew to hate the nobility, who thus lived upon the fruits of their toil, with deep hatred.

Severe drains upon the treasury and consequently upon the people, had reduced the country so that many of the lesser nobles lived in actual poverty; as many as could afford to do so moved to Paris and enjoyed the gay life of the capital, while upon their neglected estates the peasants toiled to supply their luxuries. Among the Churchmen the case was the same; the work was done by the poor curés, while the upper clergy passed profligate lives.

Trade within the State was seriously hampered by internal duties. Custom houses were stationed on the borders of each province and several months were frequently consumed in getting a consignment of goods across France. Industry suffered on this account and many districts fell into decay.

The social conditions gave rise to a class of revolutionary writers, Voltaire first among them. His particular attack was made upon the Church, the abuses of which were flagrant. Rousseau wrote instead on the organization of society and

the rights of man. Such writings set men to agitating the abuses of the times before a revolution was dreamed of.

When Louis XVI. came to the throne in 1774 France was practically bankrupt. There was no money to pay the interest on the national debt and the treasury was empty. The wars of Louis XIV. and the riotous living of Louis XV. had drained the country to the utmost. Louis XVI. called Turgot to his aid. Turgot was a statesman and the reforms he quickly put into operation would ultimately have relieved the situation considerably. He removed restrictions on internal trade and abolished the forced labor upon the highways, paying for this and levying a new land tax on all classes alike to make up for the deficiency. He planned to abolish the gabelle and apportion a new taille which should fall on nobility and clergy as well as common people, but before he had accomplished much the clergy and noblesse and various classes of tax collectors raised such a storm that the king felt obliged to dismiss this able minister. With the dismissal of Turgot the possibility of quiet reorganization of the government with necessary reforms was removed.

In 1776 Necker, an efficient banker, was called to take the place of Turgot. He made loans to relieve the immediate situation. Many of the nobles and particularly the queen disliked Necker and in 1781 he resigned, while Calonne was called to assume control of the finances. His theory was to spend money freely and so establish a reputation for plenty which would strengthen the credit abroad. The king and queen each bought estates they did not care for in accordance with the theory and money was squandered freely. In 1788 Necker was recalled, but in spite of frequent changes of ministers, the resources of the government remained the same.

There was a general feeling that the States-General should be summoned. This representative body of the three orders had not met since early in the seventeenth century. Several generations having elapsed since the last convening of the body, no one knew just how members had been chosen or what formalities preceded their convocation. Towns were asked to search their archives for data concerning the past meetings of the States-General. Heretofore the three orders had deliberated and voted separately. This allowed the privileged orders

to carry their measures against the Third Estate. Now there was much agitation upon the justice of votes being cast by head instead of by order.

The court expected the States-General to levy new taxes to make up the great deficit, and since the people were already taxed to the utmost, this would be so unpopular a measure that all preferred a representative assembly to institute it. It is needless to say that had the king and his advisers been able to see how powerful this body was to become it would not have been convened.

The king, with characteristic indifference, decided that the States-General should meet at Versailles rather than Paris because it would be more convenient for him in view of a hunting party he had planned. On the fifth of May, 1789, representatives of nobility, clergy, and the people assembled, and Louis XVI. and his ministers and attendants, with much pomp, appeared before the delegates. There were three hundred nobles, three hundred clergymen and six hundred representatives of the Third Estate.

The Third Estate had expected that some form of constitutional government would be proposed, that reforms needed throughout the country would be considered and that the old abuses would be corrected. When Necker made an address occupying a couple of hours and yet mentioned none of these issues, the commoners were filled with amazement. At the close of the meeting the king asked the orders to confer separately, then left the hall, followed by the nobles and clergy. Mirabeau, destined to wield great influence among the people, made a rousing appeal to the Third Estate in a pamphlet circulated the following day. The Third Estate refused to begin deliberations until they should be joined by the privileged orders. These continued to meet alone, and for several weeks nothing was accomplished. At length on June 17 the Third Estate declared itself the National Assembly and sent word to the other orders that unless they joined them at once the National Assembly would proceed to business. On June 20, convening as usual for debate, the Third Estate found the hall closed to them, it being stated that preparations were in progress for the king's royal sitting to be held on June 23. Expecting that they would be dissolved, the Third Estate adjourned

to a neighboring tennis court and took the famous Tennis Court Oath not to disband until they had given France a constitution.

Louis XVI. might even at this time have won the common people to his support but he was lacking in the ability to see a crisis and to act promptly. He appeared before the three orders on June 23, and one of his ministers announced that it was the king's will that the three bodies should meet separately. After Louis XVI had left the hall the Third Estate remained and when an officer asked them to leave one replied that they would do so only at the point of the bayonet. Shortly after the king quietly asked the nobles and clergy to meet with the Third Estate. This was their first great victoryit was not destined to be the last.

Meanwhile the whole country had followed with intense interest the attitude taken by the people's delegates. Their firm stand was applauded everywhere, although the privileged orders condemned it and the court was filled with indignation at the audacity of the people. A spirit of unrest swept over the lower classes, this being by no means quieted when it was known that the king was beginning to collect troops.

On July 11 Louis XVI. dismissed Necker. This minister was very popular for it was believed that he favored reforms favorable to the people. In Paris meetings were held and incendiary speeches made the next day, which happened to be Sunday. With a daring born of the hour the mobs rifled some gun shops and pillaged several baker shops. Realizing that the tradespeople must suffer if this spirit of lawlessness once got started, private citizens immediately armed themselves and patrolled the streets. The next day the National Guard was organized-composed of militiamen from the various districts of Paris in the first instance.

All day July 13 preparations were going on prior to some movement-none knew what. Some said that the crowds were going to Versailles to demand the restoration of Necker to office. Others credited still wilder rumours. On the following day, July 14, the mobs being refused arms at the Bastile, an old prison where a garrison was stationed, they stormed the fortress and took it.