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political opinions, and fentiments of the reigning family. By fome he was cenfured as an apostate, and by others ridiculed for becoming a penfioner. The “ North Briton" supplied himself with arguments against the Minifter for rewarding a Tory and a Jacobite, and Churchill, faterized his political versatility with the most poignant feverity.

How to all principles untrue,

Not fix'd to old friends, nor to new;
He damns the penfion which he takes,
And loves the Stuart he forfakes.

By this acceptance of the King's bounty, he had undoubtedly fubjected himself to the appellation of a penfioner, to which he had annexed an ignominious definition in his Dictionary. He had received a favour from two Scotchmen, against whose country he had joined in the rabble cry of indifcriminating invective. It was thus that even-handed Juftice commended the

poifoned chalice to his own lips, and compelled him to an awkward, though not unpleasant penance, for indulging in a splenetic prejudice, equally unworthy of his understanding and his heart.

The affair itself was equally honourable to the giver and the receiver. The offer was clogged with no ftipulations for party fervices, and accepted under no implied idea of being recompenfed by political writings. It was perfectly understood by all parties, that the pension was merely honorary. It is true that Johnfon did afterwards write political pamphlets in favour of administration; but it was at a period long fubfequent to the grant of his penfion, and in fupport of a minifter to whom he owed no perfonal obligation. It was for the establishment of opinions, which, however unconftitutional, he had uniformly held, and publicly avowed.

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In 1763, he furnished to " The Poetical Calendar," published by Fawkes and Woty, a Character of Collins, which he afterwards engrafted into his entire Life of Collins. He alfo favoured Mr. Hoole with the Dedication of his tranflation of Taffo to the Queen.

This year Mr. Bofwell was introduced to Johnson, by Mr. Davies the bookseller, and continued to live in the greatest intimacy with him from that time till his death.

Churchill, in his "Ghoft," availed himfelf of the common opinion of Johnson's credulity, and drew a caricature of him, under the name of Pompofo; representing him as one of the believers of the story of a ghoft in Cock-Lane, which, in 1762, had gained very general credit in London.

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Johnson made no reply; for with other wife folks he fat up with the ghost.". Pofterity must be allowed to fmile at the cre

dulity of that period. Contrary, however, to the common opinion of Johnson's credulity, Mr. Bofwell afferts that he was a

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principal agent in detecting the imposture; and undeceived the world, by publishing an account of it in the Gentleman's Magazine" for January 1762. Yet, by the circumstances of the examination, he seems to have gone with almost a willingness to believe, and a mind scarcely in suspense, He would have been glad to fee a traveller from that undiscovered country, over which, like the reft of mankind, he faw nothing but clouds and darkness.

In one of the converfations at the Mitre Tavern this year, Mr. Bofwell relates the following inftance of Johnson's profound and liberal way of thinking, on a very nice conftitutional point, which may, in some measure, render people cautious of pronouncing decifively on his political creed,

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"Goldsmith disputed very warmly with Johnson, against the well known maxim of the British constitution, " The king can do no wrong," affirming, that what was morally falfe, could not be politically true; and as the king might, in the exercise of his regal power, command, and cause the doing of what was wrong, it certainly might be faid, in fenfe and in reason, that he could do wrong." Jobnfon. Sir, you are to confider, that in our conftitution, according to its true principles, the king is the head, he is fupreme, he is above every thing, and there is no power by which he can be tried. Therefore it is, Sir, that we hold the king can do no wrong; that whatever may happen to be wrong in government may not be above our reach, by being ascribed to majefty. Redress is always to be had againft oppreffion, by punishing the immediate agents. The king, though he should command, cannot force

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