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may tend in their Result to improve the
National Resources, and to encourage the
Industry, and promote the Happiness of
Your Majesty's People.

the respect and attachment of the people,
that the future Sovereign of this country
had sprung.
One of those illustrious per-
sonages having been placed upon the
Throne of these realms in most extreme
youth, had discharged the duties of that
high station-laborious and important as
they were-with an attention, an industry,
and a patience which must have entitled
her to the approval and gratitude of all.
She had acted with a strength of charac
ter, with an ability, and with a resolution
to act up to the line of constitutional duty
marked out as the course for the Sove-
reign of these dominions to pursue, that
afforded the fairest promise of the pros-

The Earl of Dalhousie felt great pleasure in rising to second the Address in answer to her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, Its various topics had been already so fully alluded to, and the ground before him had been traversed by his noble Friend with so much more skill and ability than he could pretend to, that he felt himself relieved from the necessity of occupying very much of their Lordships' time upon that occa-perity and good government of this sion. It was, perhaps, the less necessary, that he should enter at any length into the topics alluded to in the Address, because he flattered himself with the belief, that there was nothing contained in it, which could necessarily cause that division of opinion which it was always held desirable should be abstained from on an occasion like this. He hoped the Address would carry with it to the Throne the additional recommendation of having been adopted with the unanimous approval and the entire concurrence of their Lordships' House. But if he should be mistaken in that opinion, he would, nevertheless, enter with the most perfect confidence and tranquillity upon the consideration of the first topic, which presented itself in the Address-a topic upon which there could be but one opinion-upon which there was but one unanimous feeling in the House and the country - their Lordships would anticipate that he alluded to the congratulations to her Majesty upon the birth of a Prince of Wales. It was very true, that the time had long since passed away when the birth of an heir to the Throne was a matter of anxiety, as well as of joy to the country, inasmuch, as then depended upon the event, the future destinies of the country, and the happiness and tranquillity of the people. But it was, nevertheless, an event even now, of the most auspicious kind, and worthy of all acceptation, inasmuch as it secured the succession to the British Throne in a direct and unbroken line, and continued the royal authority in the hands of that illustrious family who had so long and so prosperously swayed the sceptre of these realms. Their Lordships would find matter for still further congratulation in seeing, that it was from parents whose public conduct and private life had hitherto earned

country. The other was a Prince who,
during the years he had lived amongst
us, had displayed such unspotted purity
of character, such consummate judgment
and integrity of conduct, that not one
breath of slander, subtle and penetrating
as it was, had ventured to tarnish his name
even with a single whisper. He was well
aware, that any man who had ventured to
speak in such terms as those he had used,
laid himself open to unfavoured conclu-
sions. He knew, that many would be
ready to say, that compliments paid to
persons in such exalted stations, were ei-
ther flourishes without any meaning, or
that they betrayed in a greater or less de.
gree a design to flatter for some ulterior
purpose. His words, however, were nei-
ther the one nor the other. In adverting
to the birth of the Prince of Wales, he had
ventured to allude to the character and
conduct of his illustrious parents, inasmuch
as upon the character of those who had the
training of that child up to manhood,
whose example would constantly stand be
fore him, and from whom he would first
catch his impressions, must, in a great de-
gree, depend whether that Prince, who was
destined to become the ruler of these
realms, would hereafter be its pride or its
aversion. He was sure, that their Lord-
ships would feel pleasure in the birth of a
Prince, not merely as a matter of national
but also of personal consideration
knew, that their Lordships felt the loyalty
which warmed the heart as well as that
which bent the knee, and that, actuated by
these feelings, he was convinced, that they
would all hasten to offer their congratula-
tions on an event which her Majesty
declared had filled up the measure of her
domestic happiness. Could any circum-
stances add to the auspiciousness of such

He

He

an event, they would be found in the visit | object the security and independence of of his Majesty the King of Prussia, who the Turkish empire by which the various not only had become sponsor on the occa- questions which had threatened the peace sion, but by undertaking a long journey to of Europe had been settled, and the authis country, at an inclement time of the thority of the Sultan confirmed. In this year, had evinced, by his presence, the in- complete co-operation of the great powers terest he felt in it. That illustrious per- would be found the best guarantee that sonage had conducted himself in such a the Turkish empire would continue to manner during his residence among them, remain in the condition in which it had as justified the high character which he so long existed. Their Lordships would had always borne, and had confirmed all be gratified to hear that there would be those feelings of kindly attachment which laid on the Table a commercial treaty behad so long existed in this country towards tween the King of Persia and this country, one of her oldest and most constant allies. and that there was every reason to believe, In all these circumstances their Lordships that the general state of affairs between would surely find abundant cause for the two countries would return into that echoing the sentiments contained in the pacific state which existed previous to the Royal Speech, and for expressing their late dissensions. In the midst of all these acknowledgments to Almighty God on ac- satisfactory circumstances, their Lordships count of the birth of the Prince. This would no doubt regret, that her Majesty their Lordships would do, not because had been unable to announce the terminaprecedents might require it, but because tion of the war with China. He would they were sincerely desirous of expressing confine himself to his proper task by extheir gratitude to that Almighty Being pressing his congratulations on the success for the birth of a Prince under such cir- that had attended the British arms. cumstances, and who, associated in the would not say that the success of the first days of his infancy with his august forces employed in that country had been parents, would, he believed, prove a glory as brilliant as, perhaps, that of other forces and a blessing to the empire. Their Lord-in other countries, but they had done their ships would also learn with satisfaction duty bravely, and were deserving of the the assurance conveyed in the Speech, highest praise. While they had fully done that her Majesty continued to receive from their duty in the face of the enemy, they all foreign powers the assurance of friendly had also done it in the face of such disrelations with this country, and their heartening trials as sickness and suffering, Lordships would all recognise the practi- and in spite of the temptations to disorder cal evidence of the sincerity of their inten- and to crime which surrounded them, tions in the announcement, that her Ma- which were quite as formidable as any jesty had concluded important treaties enemy. Whatever success might attend with the different powers on matters of their Lordships' negotiations, they could great national interest. Foremost among rest assured, that as far as force could these was the treaty with the Emperor of avail, everything had been accomplished Austria, the King of the French, the that it was possible to accomplish by the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of combined forces in China, guided by the Russia, having for its object the more abilities of the distinguished officers in effectual suppression of the Slave-trade. command. Their Lordships he did not Although this treaty merely embodied the doubt, would also feel satisfied, that principles contained in the treaty which the attention of Parliament had been called had existed between France and England, to the great questions connected with the it had nevertheless extended the limits finances of the country. It was in vain to within which these principles were to be shut their eyes to the alarming fact that brought into operation; it had multiplied for several years the annual revenue had the means for carrying those principles not been sufficient to meet the expendiinto effect, and it went to show to the ture. He felt persuaded that their Lordworld that Austria, Prussia, and Russia ships would give their instant attention to were in direct hostility to that disgraceful this great evil-that they would institute trade, which Great Britain had made such a rigid inquiry into every branch of the great exertions and sacrifices to destroy.public service, and that, after having made Their Lordships would recognise as a re- such an inquiry, they would be prepared sult of the friendly feeling among these to adopt such measures as Parliament might great powers, the treaty having for its deem fit. He hoped their Lordships would

Viscount Melbourne: I am happy to be able to follow the course which has been

produce this effect, as I do not know that I ever remember to have heard the duty which they have undertaken to night, discharged with more ability, or in a manner more suitable and becoming, and more appropriate to the occasion. With respect to the noble Lord who seconded the Address (the Earl of Dalho sie), we have witnessed from him in a former Session of Parliament an exertion of great talent and ability, and for the Mover of the Address, I can assure him, that both from personal respect and from ancient acquaintance with his family, there is no one of those, who are the most closely connected with him, and the most deeply interested in his success, who has heard him with more satisfaction, than I have upon the present occasion. With respect to the matter which forms the first paragraph of the Speech, there can be but one feeling

also be ready to assure her Majesty that | tant subjects, he had unnecessarily wasted they would take into their consideration the time of the House. the law affecting the import of corn. The question of a duty on corn had, during the last year, been the cause of great excite-justly and truly laid down by the noble ment, and he would not then enter into Lord who seconded the Address, and to the discussion of a subject which might agree with him, that it is both desirable create a difference of opinion on the pre- and satisfactory that, upon occasions like sent occasion, when unanimity was so the present, unanimity should prevail, and desirable. He should, on all occasions, that we should express with one voice our hesitate to obtrude his poor opinion on a concurrence, both in the Speech which her question in which all their Lordships were Majesty has been advised to deliver from equally interested, and with which many the Throne, and in the Address which has were more familiar than he was. He would, been moved by the noble Lord. And if therefore, merely express his satisfaction there is nothing in the Speech and Adat learning that measures relating to the dress calculated to provoke any differimport duty on corn were to be introduced, ence of opinion, certainly there has been and that they were to proceed from the nothing in the speeches of the noble Mover only quarter from which they could pro-and Seconder, which could, by possibility, fitably come, namely, the Government. When the details of these measures came to be unfolded, he felt assured that their Lordships would be prepared to give them their calm consideration, both as regarded their intrinsic merit and their bearing on every class of her Majesty's subjects; their Lordships would also be ready to pay the closest attention to the proposed measures for the amendment of the bankruptcy law, to those for the improvement of the ecclesiastical courts, and also to those which regulate the registration of electors of Members of Parliament, in order that all constituencies might be enabled to exercise their right of voting without any unnecessary expence or delay. There was no part of the Speech in which their Lordships would more concur than in that part which expressed her Majesty's regret at the continued distress in the manufacturing districts of the country, unless it one voice of congratulation expressed to was in that part which stated with what her Majesty on that event, and, in connecpatience and fortitude that distress had been tion with that event, on the arrival in this borne notwithstanding the aggravations of country of that illustrious monarch, whose a long winter, and all the temptations at-coming here has been hailed with so tendant on poverty and privation. He much satisfaction, and whose character has felt also certain that their Lordships would been made the subject of so much just take into consideration the best means to eulogium. I have always looked with pecurelieve that distress. He feared that it liar interest to the country over which that was beyond the power of human wisdom illustrious individual reigns; and without to prevent altogether the recurrence of meaning any offence to other nations, it has distress, but he felt confident that their often been to me a subject of deep concern Lordships' deliberation would be directed and regret, that so many causes of discord by a comprehensive regard for the inter- and alienation should have at times arisen, ests and permanent welfare of all classes. and should have prevented us from acting He had thus endeavoured to discharge his in unison and harmony with that power with duty, although he felt sensible that no which we are so naturally connected, by man could be more deficient than he was; the intimate relationship of the two royal but he trusted that their Lordships would families, by the profession of the Reformed pardon him if, in treating of these impro-Religion, and by the unanimity and agree

ment of great interests. I trust, therefore, that what has happened on this occasion will be an additional guarantee for the future union of both countries, and for their both acting together on all occasions for the advancement and benefit of the human race, and for the preservation of the peace of Europe.

My Lords, it always appears to me to be a good omen for a country when those who have the government and management of it seem to have a good opinion of its affairs. It is impossible for me not to congratulate the country on the much more favourable and comfortable view which Ministers now take of the state of the nation compared to that which they expressed on the 24th of August last. It is impossible for me not to rejoice, not to feel some degree of pride, that a more intimate acquaintance with the actual position of affairs-that a more intimate knowledge of the transactions then and still going on, has convinced her Majesty's Ministers that affairs were not quite in such a desperate condition as they were then represented to be by noble Lords opposite, more particularly by the noble Lord the President of the Board of Trade, who took the most desponding view of the subject. Knowing as I do his extreme anxiety for the welfare of the country, I cannot but congratulate him on his finding affairs in many quarters of the globe in a much better condition than he anticipated. My noble Friend on that occasion said, that on looking to the anomalous war which we were carrying on in China, he saw no hope of our being able to bring it to a conclusion -that we were engaged with an enemy who would not fight; that we were baffled in our negotiations; and that he saw no hope of this country being able to finish the contest. Now, we are told in the Speech from the Throne, in the drawing up of which I suppose my noble Friend joined, that we may encourage the hope that our differences with China will be brought to an early termination, and our commercial relations with that country placed on a satisfactory basis. The relations of this country with Persia are, I apprehend, also a subject of peculiar interest to the noble Lord, and, as communications recently received from Persia inform us that our affairs there have taken a more favourable turn than was expected, I cannot but congratulate the noble Lord on his finding his situation more comfortable and more agreeable than he anticipated, and that he is not surrounded by the hopeless difficulties

and the interminable embarrassment which he at that time expected.

I am also glad to hear a promise held out in the Speech, similar to the recommendation made in August last, for a consideration of the Corn-laws, and also for a general consideration of the subject of import duties. I suppose the measures are intended to be produced to Parliament without any committee of inquiry; and, if so, I beg leave to say that I do hope Ministers will give the sliding-scale their serious re-consideration. Do abandon the sliding scale. Never mind your having pledged yourselves to it. You have done so, to be sure, with great formality and great solemnity, but no solemnity or formality can justify such an absurdity-an absurdity greater than ever has been imagined by Rabelais, or by any of the writers of political satire and romance. I know there is hardly any absurdity so great, that men may not be driven to it by the force of circumstances, by the urgency of party interests and party influences. But this is too much-only consider it, as it really is. In the last session of Parliament, the course of the public affairs made it necessary, that the leaders of the great Conservative party, great in numbers, great in talent, great in property, great in weight and influence of every description, should come down to Parliament, and make something of a declaration upon the subject of the Cornlaws. Well, they consult, they lay their heads together the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, my two noble Friends, Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham down they come with their minds made up, and they cry, you cannot ask us for such declaration-we have been long out of office, we have not had time or means of forming our opinions upon these matters; but one thing we will tell youand then with a studied agreement in sense, and a studied difference in language, they proceed to say, that come what may, they will abide by the sliding scale. That is, they pledge themselves to the only part of the present Corn-law, for which nothing can be said, which is entirely indefensible. You will never do anything with a sliding scale. You will never do anything by altering the mode of taking the averages. You will not obviate the insecurity and the instability of trade by such means-you will never get the better of fraud and contrivance, and therefore it is that I take the present opportunity to beg of the noble Lord to give the sliding

scale his re-consideration before the intended measures are brought under the consideration of Parliament.

lately in a time of great change and of many new measures. It is supposed that these measures have produced disappointment, and that the Catholic Emancipation, for instance, has not ended in the tranquillity which was expected from it, and that the Reform-bill has not improved the condition or situation of the people at large, and that those who have recommended these mea

The last topic in the Address is that in which her Majesty has been advised to express her deep regret at the distress prevailing in the manufacturing districts of the country. Upon this feeling, and upon the propriety of its expression, there can be no difference of opinion. What-sures do not enjoy with the country the ever can be done by human means either same popularity that they formerly did. to alleviate or to prevent a return of the How this may be, I know not. But this I distress, ought to be done with the greatest do know, that if there is disappointment, it care and the utmost promptitude. I feel does not arise from the vicious principles, or the truth of what the noble Lord, who the ill-working of the measures themselves moved the Address, said on this point. But but from the wild, unfounded, exaggerated I cannot be a party to any measure or any expectations of their effects which were inlanguage which pretends to hold out a per-dulged in and anticipated. A man does not manent remedy for the present distress, know himself, nor is he a safe judge of his and an effectual prevention of its recur-own conduct. But I believe myself never to rence-the manufactures and commerce of have contributed to the raising of these wild this country depending so much on va- and illusory hopes. What I have not done rious circumstances on demand, taste, before, I will not do now, because I feel cerfashion, foreign competition, and a hun-tain that measures from which great, exdred other causes; and having such masses tended, and permanent benefit is intended, of the people engaged in those pursuits will be very likely to terminate in failure, and occupations, I fear that we shall only and consequently in general discontent. be parties to holding out a delusion, if The Earl of Ripon said, that the noble we said that any measure which we could Viscount must, indeed, be well pleased devise would prevent a recurrence of fre- with the Speech from the Throne, inasmuch quent distress, frequent difficulties, great as he had not found anything on which to vicissitudes in wages, and of that misery hang his observations, except by a referand destitution consequent on want of ence, for the second time, to some remarks employment. I know there are some who made by him on a former occasion. He attribute the difficulty to the Currency, was afraid that the noble Viscount was some to the Corn-laws. I cannot agree rather sore at the result of those remarks, with either of these opinions. Whatever inasmuch as it had had the effect of portion of the distress the Corn-laws may placing his noble Friend on that side of the have caused, I believe that the difficulties House on which he (the noble Viscount) and the destitution of the manufacturing now sat. If so, he was sorry for it; but population are inseparable from, belonging he begged to assure his noble Friend, that in to, and inherent in that condition of indus- moving the Amendment referred to, he was try and of capital engaged in manufactures influenced by no personal feeling as against which exists in this country; and though his noble Friend, but solely from a sense of I am ready to consider any measure for the the extreme difficulties in which the course purpose of alleviating that distress, I can pursued by her Majesty's late Government never hold forth that this can be produced had placed the complicated interests of by changes in the Constitution, or by the country. The noble Viscount had changing the persons who administer the said, that the affairs which were reprepublic affairs, I am greatly opposed to this, sented in August last to be full of such because, if the existence of national distress difficulties, were now found on an examiis to be looked on as a reason for organic nation to be in a much better condition changes in the Constitution, or in the indi- than was anticipated, and that the war in viduals who compose the Government, there China was not likely to have the unfortu is an end of all stability in public affairs. nate issue which he predicted concerning In every state of the country, I fear it will it. He admitted that he did say that he not be difficult to make out such a case of thought it a ridiculous war, but he never poverty and suffering, as may upon such said that he saw no prospect of its being principles support an argument for great brought to an early and satisfactory termiand immediate alteration. We have lived I nation. He had said, that the war was one

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