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again, as the minister here considered the letter to me from Lord Shelburne as a kind of authority given that messenger, and expects his return with some explicit propositions. I shall keep you advised of what passes.

The late act of parliament for exchanging American prisoners as prisoners of war, according to the law of nations, any thing in their commitments notwithstanding, seemed a renunciation of their pretensions to try our people as subjects guilty of high treason, and to be a kind of tacit acknowledgment of our independence. Having taken this step, it will be less difficult for them to acknowledge it expressly. They are now preparing transports to send the prisoners home. I yesterday sent the passports desired of me.

Sir George Grand showed me a letter from Mr. Fizeaux, in which he said, that if advantage is taken of the present enthusiasm in favour of America, a loan might be obtained in Holland of five or six millions of florins for America; and if their house is impowered to open it, he has no doubt of success; but that no time is to be lost. I earnestly recommend this matter to you, as extremely necessary to the operations of our financier Mr. Morris, who not knowing that the greatest part of the last five millions had been consumed by purchase of goods, &c. in Europe, writes me advice of large drafts that he shall be obliged to make upon me this summer. This court has granted us six millions of livres for the current year; but it will fall vastly short of our occasions, there being large orders to fulfil, and near two millions and a half to pay M. Beaumarchais, besides the interest of bills, &c. The house of Fizeaux and Grand is now appointed banker for France, by a special commission from the king, and will on that as well as other accounts, be in my opinion the fittest for this operation. Your Excellency being on the spot, can better judge of the terms, &c. and manage with that house the whole business, in which I should be glad to have no

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other concern, than that of receiving assistance from it when pressed by the dreaded drafts.

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With great respect, I am, your Excellency's, &c...
B. FRANKLIN,

In reply to this Mr. Adams wrote to me as follows.

SIR,

Amsterdam, May 2, 1782...

I am honored with your favor of the 20th April, and Mr. Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as also other dispatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence with Mr. Hartley, I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne...

Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay will I hope be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go I know not. Your present negociation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition which I am instructed to make, as soon as the court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple.or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies are contented too. In a former letter I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on: but I did not mean that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me. The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and

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fatigue. It is true I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers, as well as their own national, provincial and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burthens 'greater than they can bear, and all the brokers in the republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent but what is promised.

This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek an hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the House, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker is. prodigious. Various houses have pretensions which they set up very high, and let me chuse which I will, I am sure of a cry and a clamour. I have taken some measures to endeavour to calm the heat and give general satisfaction, but have' as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would insure the money, but none will undertake it now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could when it began to be talked of. Upon enquiry they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me personally perfectly indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interest of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious enquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm at some times and in some countries may do a great deal, but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country, for America, strong enough to

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untie many purses. Another year, if the war should con-. tinue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. ADAMS.

During Mr. Oswald's absence I received the following from Mr. Laurens.

SIR,

London, April 30, 1782. 77

I writ to you on the 7th instant by Mr. Oswald, since which, that is to say on the 28th, I was honored with the receipt of your letter of the 12th, enclosing a copy of the commission for treating for peace, by the hands of Mr. Young.

The recognizance exacted from me by the late ministry has been vacated and done away by the present. These have been pleased to enlarge me without formal conditions; but as I would not consent that. the United States of Ame rica should be outdone in generosity, however late the marks appeared on this side, I took upon me to assure Lord Shelburne in a letter of acknowledgment for the part which his Lordship had taken for obtaining my release, that Congress would not fail to make a just and adequate return, the only return in my view is Lieutenant General Lord Cornwallis; Congress were pleased to offer some time ago a British Lieutenant General for my ransom, and as I am informed the special exchange of Lord Cornwallis for the same subject was lately in contemplation, it would afford me very great satisfaction to know that you will join me in cancelling the debt of honor which we have impliedly incurred, by discharging his Lordship from the obligations of his parole; for my own part, though not a bold adventurer, I think I shall not commit myself to the risque of censure. by

acting conjunctly with you in such a bargain. I intreat you, Sir, at least to reflect on this matter: I shall take the liberty of requesting your determination when I reach the continent, which will probably happen in a few days. Lord Cornwallis, in a late conversation with me, put the following case. Suppose, said his Lordship, it shall have been agreed in America that Lord Cornwallis should be offered in ex change for Mr. Laurens, do not you think, although you are now discharged, I ought to reap the intended benefit? A reply from the feelings of my heart, as I love fair play, was prompt. Undoubtedly, my Lord, you ought to be, and shall be in such case discharged, and I will venture to take the burthen upon myself. Certain legal forms I apprehend rendered the discharge of me without conditions unavoidable, but I had previously refused to accept of myself for nothing, and what I now aim at was understood as an adequate return; 'tis not to be doubted, his Lordship's question was built on this ground.

I had uniformly and explicitly declared to the people here, people in the first rank of importance, that nothing short of independence in terms of our alliances could induce America to treat for a truce or a peace, and that no treaty could be had without the consent of our ally first obtained: in a word, if you mean to have a peace you must seek for a general peace. The doctrine was ill relished, especially by those, whose power only could set the machine in motion, but having since my return from Haerlem asserted in-very positive terms, that I was confirmed in my former opinions, the late obduracy has been more than a little softened, as you will soon learn from the worthy friend by whom I addressed you on the 7th, who two days ago set out on his return to Passy and Versailles with (as I believe) more permanent commission than the former.

Accept my thanks, Sir, for the kind offer of a supply of

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