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general being somewhat slackened. The Pope, though a man of respectable character, fair sense and rare singleness of purpose, was not a great man; therefore he always appealed to force, to policy, to skill, rather than to moral grandeur. Whilst justly fearing to place himself and the Church under the power of the Jesuits, he, envious of their success, determined to make the whole Church like the Jesuit Society, he being the absolute and Infallible general. Thus he obtained the reluctant aid of Jesuits in his successful attempt to Jesuitize the Church.

When he commenced his Pontificate he found the Church in most countries moderately free from Papal absolutism. France must be excepted; the old Church with its Gallican liberties had perished, not ignobly, in the crisis of the Revolution. A new Church subject to Rome was created by Napoleon I. at a time when the Pope himself was a French subject. But in countries like England, the Pope was only a name of honour made mention of in prayers; he was the emblem of unity to the Latin Church. Few religionists were less priest-ridden than the Roman Catholics of those days. They could say with truth, that they were loyal, simple-hearted subjects, only wishing to hear Mass and receive the Sacraments and die in peace. If anything, they were rather too quiet, too little interested in public affairs. The tendency of the Roman Catholic teaching is to create a nation of children and of sceptics; and in England, they were children. In the old Catholic homes of England, childhood never ceased: its simplicity, its tenderness and its joy. Such a state is not devoid of the fascination of innocence and of poetry; but it is not a safe state; it is fearfully exposed to the seducer, almost certain, sooner or later, to find a master.

At the time of which we speak, Roman Catholics were the children of an ideal Church; the human master had not appeared. The Priests and Bishops were brothers; and to the families of their congregations, they were kind, genial, unaffected, simple hearted friends, trusted and trusting. They received their 'faculties' (i.e., various ecclesiastical powers and privileges) for life-no one interfered

with any one of them; they

abounded in idiosyncrasies-no one was like another, each was himself. The Faithful,' even those the most devoted, never approached the Sacraments more than eight times in the year. The Confession was of sins, and not for the purpose of obtaining dictation as to the affairs of life. 'Direction' was unknown. The Anglican and the Roman Clergy fraternized somewhat pleasantly; perhaps the only marked difference consisted in the greater unconventionality, freedom and originality of the latter. If our Roman Catholic grandfathers were to arise and visit their ancient homes, they would find. a new religion, presenting all the features which when attributed to them they indignantly denied.

There hangs in Hampton Court, amidst the portraits of ladies, of Kings and of gods, a painting representing the man whose spirit is now pervading the Roman Catholic Church. His olive face, not pleasing, though not unbeautiful, seems quivering beneath emotions suppressed. He was born in Spain when Luther was at a child's school in Saxony. He became a soldier, he was wounded, he lay dreaming of warriors and of saints; he awoke fevered, he beheld the Virgin Mother presenting to him the Infant Christ his glance of steel, which could pierce through men, quailed before the poetic vision of his Religion. He fell in love with the Holy Virgin, and scourging himself to blood in the Cave of Montserrat, he

consecrated his life to her. Exhausted he lay for hours like one inanimate, till Peter the Prince of the Apostles appeared to him and commanded him to arise. Ignatius of Loyola arose, went to Rome, prostrated himself in the dust before the Pope, kissed his feet, declared himself his slave, but delayed obeying him until he altered his orders to the pleasure of the Spanish visionary. That man so full of poetry, of chivalry, of romance, founded an order which, in its corporate life and action, is without poetry, without chivalry, without generosity, without nobleness, without independence, without the sentiment of honour. To the liberty of the Gospel, it was to oppose the canonization of slavery; to the dignity of the Gospel, the most abject servitude. The new order was to be anti-nationalistic and anti-domestic; it should only know Country and Family as instruments to be utilized, as independencies to be crushed. It should establish the system of centralization, absolutism, direction, espionage, chicanery.

As Mr. Arthur says (vol. ii., p. 162):

'Out of regard for the honour of the Church, many Roman Catholics suppressed the horror they felt at what they discovered in the books of the Jesuits. Only those who have read some books-those which reflect the modern phases of their moral teaching can appreciate the weight that must have lain on the hearts of some good men when striving to uphold before their imagination the Church as the perfection of beauty. Among the disciples of the Church of Rome are many who hold close to the Christian side of her theology, and seem to forget its Pagan side; many who avoid what is material in her cult, and, by aid of that same theology, cherish spiritual worship; many who turn to the noble morals of the Gospel, from the lower and ever deteriorating morals of the schools; and many to whom the secular spirit of the Papacy and the earthly empire aimed at by the Jesuits are repugnant.

'Friedrich learned, in Rome, that those who confess to the Jesuits are not to be trusted. Any one who will read even one

hundred pages out of the seven hundred of Gury's Casus Conscientia would not think of trusting-would only think of pitying any creature into whose head the principles of that bad book had been put. Friedrich evidently does not repeat any light talk when he says that he heard it stated, upon good authority, that the Jesuits in Rome were in the habit of employing women as lures to procure the overthrow of men who stood in their way, which women would then return to the Jesuit confessionals as penitent Magdalenes; and this, he adds, the Pope knows right well. When Vitelleschi speaks of the evils arising from severity against errors of the intellect, and indulgence to errors of the will, he means what we should describe as strictness as to Papal principles, and laxity as to moral practices.'

Such statements, to inexperienced Roman Catholics, seem grossly exaggerated, but Bishops and the more experienced of the Clergy know them to be true. They are the almost necessary results of a system in which obedience is the only virtue, the only guide; and the only appeal is to an irresponsible authority. The Jesuit is taught to regard himself as a staff in the hand of his superior, and thereby in the hand of God; and he is bound to strive to impress a like doctrine on each and all of his penitents.

The older orders had each a special aim, characteristic and spirit: the Benedictines, the tranquillity of literature, and its sloth; the Franciscans, the democracy of poverty, and its credulity; the Dominicans, the aristocracy of mind, and its independence; the Cistercian and Carthusian lived as if the world was dying, 'dazzled and terrified by the vision of the Invisible and fear of the Eternal.' Orders had been founded to carry out special works of mercy, for teaching, for war, for literature, for art, for prayer, for repose, for self-discipline, for preaching: these were in se, objects under God. The Jesuit order might diversify amidst those pursuits as occasion should demand; but never as an object, never as for a good in

itself; only as a means toward one single result-power; one single object-the aggrandizement of the order. It has been often noticed that clever men become Jesuits, but afterwards never strike out a new thought, or display a single token of genius or of soul. It is because all the powers of their being are brought to bear on the self-creation of a slave; who, having. become a slave, must strive to spread that slavery. Hence, besides secret confession of sin, each member is compelled periodically to manifest to a Superior all his temptations, errors, tendencies, wishes, weaknesses, sins. That'manifestation' is at the absolute disposal of the Superior to whom it is made; whatever he deems of any moment, he notes down and communicates to the Provincial, and if need be, to the General. Moreover, every one is encouraged to convey secret information regarding every one else, as to such details. These informations are carefully noted down.

This system is introduced, as far as possible, amongst all the penitents of the Jesuits and the members of their sodalities. Thus lady penitents visiting in private houses, servants and governesses are utilized; they are encouraged to send regular and minute information to their Directors as to innumerable domestic details, persons, conversations, etc. Moreover, when people of any influence move from one country or neighbourhood to another, private information is sent to the nearest Jesuit House. In many cases such information is sent in cipher, and proper names masked. Other orders' have sundry privileges and guards for the protection and independence of their subjects. The Jesuit order offers none. Any one can be expelled from the Society at once, without any reason being assigned. Local Superiors, and all offices, changes, movements, are under the absolute control of the

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General and his small Council of Consulters at Rome. It is strictly true to say, that there is no one single gleam of liberty allowed to penetrate anywhere unless by virtue of an abuse to be corrected. This slavery is bound round the soul by solemn oaths, enforced by unceasing 'exercises,' fortified by the fear of Hell.

Such is the system the Pope has been striving to imitate and to impart to the whole of the Roman Catholic Church.

In order to secure a few hundred years more of life, the Church at the Pope's bidding embraces a system of perpetual death. Infallibility was but the funereal wreath of cypress pressed upon her brow when she was dead. For it is a living death when in every act of the mind and of the life, men are to move as machines. We do not mean to assert that death is entire : mankind dies gradually. But at best it is a state of second childhood. During thirty years the Pope has succeeded in destroying nearly all the liberties of the Clergy; he has established principles destructive of all the liberties of the civil government. Those principles cannot be enforced until the laity have been fully subjected to the new system: that subjection is progressing, and is being vigilantly and thoughtfully aimed at. It is probable that the new Pope will carry on the scheme with greater reticence and prudence than the outspoken Pius, and, therefore, more successfully and more dangerously. may perhaps seem to yield, but wording his concessions so as to maintain the fulness of the principles, and thus to work on more quietly. In spite of a few outwardly deceptive appearances, the Pope has now practically the appointment of all the Bishops everywhere. In consequence of the brief periods for which 'faculties' and other powers are bestowed, ecclesiastics of all grades are utterly

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powerless in the hands of superiors; and those superiors in the hands of the Pope. The dress, expenses, mode of living, vacations and all such details are now prescribed for the Clergy.

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Synods are held, and dust is thus thrown in the eyes of the public, to whom it would seem incredible that those deliberative and consultive assemblies, solemnly opened with prayer to the Holy Ghost for guidance, cannot deliberate or discuss or legislate; but only receive meekly any new orders issued from Rome. When at one of these synods the Bishop promulgated a tax of money to be levied on all the Clergy of his diocese, a venerable priest wished to remonstrate and to express his willingness to give it as a freewill offering but not as a tax, deeming as he did, that such was an invasion of ancient liberties. He was informed in the gentlest way, that unless he paid it unconditionally and without protest he could not obtain a renewal of his faculties.' A priest without faculties' is a pauper; a pauper avoided by all Roman Catholics and suspected by all Protestants; as it is easily whispered to such, that the suspension was in consequence of moral turpitude: a statement not verbally false, inasmuch as Roman Catholics are taught to regard disobedience to ecclesiastical authority as the greatest moral sin next to heresy. One excellent English priest remained for years thus suspended, because he would not practically admit the justice of a Roman decision on English property case which had been most obviously obtained by bribery. But we in England are only beginners in slavery. Those who would learn, something of the sad results already produced in France as to the pitiable helplessness of the Clergy, might consult Canon Mouls at Brussels, and the Abbé Michaud at Geneva.

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It is pretended that the Chapter elect the Bishop. How was that acted

upon in our most important see? The Chapter of Westminster proposed three names, first on the list being that of Archbishop Errington; to whom the right of succession had been promised. The Pope set aside the three names and appointed Man-* ning instead, to the indignation and dismay of the Clergy and laity of the archdiocese. That is only one instance out of many. In Ireland, amongst other remnants of ancient liberties, the Parish Priests had the right of nominating three names offered to the Pope for election. In former times the Pope, as a matter of course, selected the first named unless there were some strong reason against him; but it was, as far as we can learn, almost an unheard-of event for Rome to set aside all three. Now such an event is no longer exceptional it was done in the case of Dublin by the appointment of Cardinal Cullen, and in other instances. Indeed, the Pope has thus acted on purpose to accustom people to this exercise of supreme absolutism. Mr. Gladstone, with his accustomed conscientious accuracy, drew attention to the difference between absolute authority-centralizing all in itself and under pain of mortal sin falling on the disobedient- and infallibility, whereby that authority, already made by Pio Nono monarchical and parental, became also Divine, unerring and irreformable. The system of absolute government was greatly facilitated by the regulation insisted on by the late Pope whereby each Bishop was compelled to visit the Holy Father and do homage triennially.

The ancient Roman theory was that all the Apostles were Bishops, and received individually from Jesus Christ the power of the keys: of jurisdiction and of absolution, and that the Bishop of Rome only pos sessed the Primacy of Honour and of Appeal. The Popes gradually claimed the plenitude of power.

'It is, perhaps, not superfluous to remark that the terms "plenitude of power," as denoting the prerogative of the Pope, and "received to a share of the solicitude," as denoting the origin and nature of the Bishops' authority, are not merely happy phrases, but scientific terms fitted to express the Papal theory of the Church constitution as opposed to the Episcopal theory. The Episcopal theory, holding that the office of all Bishops is of Divine institution, regards the Pope, not as the source of Episcopal authority, but as supreme and altimate arbiter. According to the Papal theory the authority of the Bishop is an emanation from that of the Pope, who, as monarch, unlimited by any co-ordinate authority, retains in his own hands not only extraordinary but ordinary, not only ultimate but immediate, jurisdiction over every subject within the bounds assigned to a Bishop. The latter is a Prefect, not only liable to be discharged or imprisoned, but liable while retained in office to have any matter taken out of his hands and settled contrary to his views......The now incongruous epithet "venerable brother" remains as a vestige of a past age and an exploded theory. An Emperor does not call his Prefect "venerable brother.". Arthur's The Pope, etc., vol. i., pp. 106, 107.

Jesuit theologians had been chiefly
concerned in the gradual introduction
of this doctrine. It harmonized with
the tone of mind of their own order,
and what was of more import to
them, it pleased the Popes and hum-
bled the Bishops: two results always
acceptable and for the interest of the
'Society. The Prelates who resisted
the introduction of the dogma of In-
fallibility had been, for the most part,
previously known as adherents of the
national liberties of Churches, and,
perhaps, without an exception, they
excelled in knowledge of theology as
markedly as the chief adherents of

Infallibility
were (always excepting
the Jesuits) notoriously deficient.
One of these was Darboy, Archbishop
of Paris, and his case, as accurately
recorded by Mr. Arthur, affords a
specimen of what was going on
wherever independence dared to
show itself. A quarrel arose on the
old subject of the exemption of
Regulars' (members of religious

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orders) from episcopal control, and the direct action of the Papal Court, over the head of a Bishop. Some writers inaccurately assume that the Pope wishes the Bishops to be under the guidance of the religious orders, chiefly the Jesuits. That is quite erroneous; the Pope wishes the Jesuits to be to a limited extent under his prefects the Bishops; but he still more wishes that each should have to appeal directly to himself. In the case of any Prelate not entirely subservient to him, as in the case of Darboy, he doubtless would be glad to play off others against him; for those who would understand the modern Papal system and mode of government must dismiss all romance and poetry, and study the schemes of very worldly and astute diplomatists.

The Archbishop had exercised what he deemed his right of 'visiting the Jesuit and Franciscan Houses in Paris. He alleged that, by the law of the Council of Trent, regulars could not have canonical existence in any diocese without consent of the Bishop, which consent had never been received by the Religious' in question. The 'Religious' claimed that they had acquired a prescriptive right by the virtual if not express consent of successive Bishops; and as to the fact that the civil law forbade them to possess land, such laws were worthless as regarding ecclesiastical matters. The Archbishop received from the Holy See a letter which in print fills ten octavo pages of small type, an abstract of which is given by Mr. Arthur, (vol. i., ch. x.,) whereby it is made manifest that every liberal act of his diocesan administration had been noted down for reproof and admonition. He was reproved for a speech he made in the Senate, for opinions expressed by him to ecclesiastics of his diocese, for his presence at the funeral of a Freemason, and for other tokens of

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