against these unjust seizures and depredations, and stating the necessity of preventing them in future, moved for an address to the king, "That he would be graciously pleased to give directions for laying before the house, copies or extracts of the several petitions, representations, memorials, and all other papers relating to the Spanish de predations upon the British subjects, which had been presented to his majesty, or delivered to either of his majesty's principal secretaries of state since Midsummer last; together with copies or extracts of such memorials or representations, as had been made either to the king of Spain or his ministers, and the answers returned by them to the same; and together with copies or extracts of the letters written to his majesty's minister at Madrid, with the answers received from him, relating to the said depredations."

This motion brought on a long and warm debate, in which the cruelties and insults of the Spaniards, and the pusillanimity of the British cabinet, were equally exaggerated. The minister, ever anxious to avoid any violent resolution, which might offend the irritable temper of the court of Madrid, and particularly to decline entering upon the question concerning the right claimed by the Spaniards, of searching for illicit goods, stated the difficulty and delicacy of his situation, either in opposing or concurring with the motion. By opposing it, he was in danger of becoming obnoxious to the public, and by his concurrence, might act against his own judgment, and the interests of the king, which are

always inseparable from those of the nation. He then adverted to the danger of creating a misunderstanding between the crown and parliament, if the commons should call for papers, which should be deemed improper for communication. Although he was for treating all the claims of Spain as unfounded; yet he was apprehensive that such difficulties might arise in resisting them, as would require much address and wisdom to remove. The king had, by the most prudent methods of negotiation, endeavoured to reconcile the interests of the kingdom with its peace; and the present was the critical period when the effects of those negotiations were to take place.

He owned that the British merchants and seamen had been often treated most unjustly and inhumanly by the Spanish guarda costas, and that both the honour and interest of the nation were deeply concerned in obtaining reparation. for such injuries, and a proper security in future. At the same time, he declared that recourse ought not to be had to arms, while there was any prospect of obtaining redress in a peaceable

manner.

"It is without doubt," he said, a very popular way of arguing, to talk highly of the honour, the courage, and the superior power of this nation; and, I believe, I have as good an opinion of the honour, courage, and power of this nation, as any man can, or ought to have; but other nations must be supposed to have honour as well as we, and all nations generally

have a great opinion of their own courage and power. If we should come to an open rupture with Spain, we might in all probability have the advantage; but victory and success do not always attend upon that side which seems to be the most powerful. Therefore, an open rupture, or declared war between two potent nations, must always be allowed to be an affair of the utmost importance to both; and as this may be the consequence of our present deliberations, we ought to proceed with great coolness, and with the utmost caution.'

He next recapitulated the late treaties and transactions with Spain, and endeavoured to prove, that the inflexibility of the Spaniards was owing to the perplexed state of affairs in Europe since the treaty of Seville, which had prevented the meeting of the commissioners for finally adjusting the respective pretensions of the two countries. He observed, that the claims of the English were not considered, either at home or abroad, to be so clear as they were here represented. He attempted to show, that the Spaniards had hitherto done as much to satisfy the English sufferers as could well be expected; that the distance between Madrid and the West Indies was considerable; that the Spanish governors were extremely insolent, and not subject to sufficient control, and that therefore it was no wonder if the crown sometimes found difficulties in bringing them to reason.

He gave some instances of ships which had

* Chandler.

been unconditionally released by the Spaniards, and of others, on giving security to stand trial whether they had been engaged in illicit trade; and he mentioned several merchants whose claims were likely to be satisfied.*

He did not however, intend to oppose the communication of papers in general; but only of some, which if made public, might occasion much inconvenience. He frankly acknowledged, that the last answer from the Spanish court was unsatisfactory, and if it should be communicated to the house, and from thence, as must unavoidably happen, to the public, the most fatal consequences might be produced. That notwithstanding the harshness of that answer, the ministry had sent to the court of Madrid, some propositions which might tend to soften matters. He said, if they were not soon answered to the satisfaction of the king, he himself would move that every paper relating to Spain should be laid before the house, but till that answer arrived, it would be improper to comply with the motion.

He concluded by moving as an amendment, the omission of "answers from the court of Spain, and the British minister at Madrid." This eandid and moderate speech, which was peculiarly adapted to the temper of the house, not inclined to reject the whole motion, and which proved that he did not wish to protract the inquiry longer than prudence and policy directed, had a due effect. The temperate representation

Tindal.

of the minister, ably enforced by Horace Walpole, Sir William Yonge, Henry Pelham, and Sir Charles Wager, prevailed over the more violent counsels of the opposition, though supported by all the eloquence and abilities of Pulteney, Sir John Barnard, and Sir William Wyndham. The original motion was negatived by a majority of 164 against 99, and the amendment, as proposed by the minister, carried without a division.*

The triumphant majority with which this question was carried, was productive of nó essential advantage to the cause which Walpole was so anxious to support. While attempts were making to adjust the differences with Spain, and while the court of Madrid seemed inclined to make due reparation for the injuries complained of, Sir Thomas Fitzgerald, or, as he is usually called, Don Thomas Geraldino, the Spanish minister, was employed in fomenting the disturbances and inflaming the public discontents. He caballed with the leaders in opposition, and acquainted them with the secret inforination which his instructions or his correspondence enabled him to communicate. He did not hesitate to assert openly that the English ministry imposed upon the people, in pretending that the court of Spain would be inclined to recede, in the smallest degree, from the claim of searching all ships which sailed near their coasts in America. His intemperance gave great advantages to opposition; and in the course of the debates in both houses, many facts were dis

* Chandler.