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Stewart and Harris, containing the Accounts of the Engage ments on the 6th of March and 7th May, 1779; and Major General Baird's Report of the Storming of Seringapatam and an Appendix, containing Tranflations of the principal State Papers, found in the Cabinet of Tippoo Sultaun; and other important official Papers. Together with a Dedication to the Right Hon. Henry Dundas, &c. &c. By M. Wood, Esq. Colonel, and late Chief Engineer, Bengal. 8vo. gs.. Cadell and Davis.

OLONEL WOOD, in his Dedication, thus fpeaks of

of the

"The information is derived from the most authentic fources, and the writer's accuracy may be relied on. Every document referred to is given in an APPENDIX, replete with fuch convincing evidence of the long-meditated, treacherous, and hoftile views of Tippoo Sultaun, as fhews the war we were involved in, to have been as justifiable in its caufe, as it has proved complete in its fuccess. No perfon. feeling for the honour and welfare of this country, can. contemplate with indifference the daring and gigantic project, concerted between the Government of France and the late Tippoo Sultaun; a project, whofe defperate aim was no lefs than the utter extirpation of the British Nation from India.


Fortunately for us, their plans were discovered and counteracted, before they were fully matured; or, inftead of ftability, profperity, and peace, India would probably, at this hour, have presented to us a picture of infecurity, ruin, and defolation. Had Buona parte, before he reached Cairo, been able to have secured, at Suez, tranfports fufficient to have forwarded ten thousand of his chofen troops to the affiftance of Tippoo, they might have arrived on the coast of Malabar fully as foon as we could have received the account of the French army having landed at Alexandria. As it is only from twenty to thirty days fail from Suez to that coast, and as at the feafon when the troops might have reached Suez, a fair wind could have been depended upon, this fcheme, had it been carried into execution, would have been a most fatal blow to the English interefts in the Eaft."

That the account is accurate there can be no reason to doubt, and the voluminous paper in the Appendix, indeed, afford to every reader the means of afcertaining its accuracy. Having already traced the operations of this important war in our Review of Colonel Beatfon's valuable work, * and laid before our readers the deftructive views and infidious plans of the enemy, whom we have fo happily fubdued, we have only to obferve, on the prefent publication, that it bears every stamp of

* Anti-Jacobin Review, Vol. VII. P. 119.


fidelity, and is written with equal impartiality and fpirit. Colonel Wood affures us that Mr. Dundas had foreseen the danger to which our Indian poffeffions were expofed, from the enterprizing and ambitious spirit of the French Republicans, long before their expedition to Egypt; and that, during the equipment of the armament at Toulon, " feveral months before it failed," Mr. D. " was fully impreffed with the juft idea of its destination." This difclofure certainly does great honour to the political forefight of the Secretary of State, as well as the means which he adopted in confequence for encreafing our military force in India. At the fame time we cannot but lament, that this knowledge did not produce, on the part of our allies, or on our own part, thofe préparations and exertions, which would have fecured to the French, on their arrival in Egypt, fuch a reception as would have damped, at least, if not wholly have impeded, all future efforts for the fubjugation of the country.

Mr. Salmond's Review of the War extends only to thirty eight pages; fifty more are filled with letters and other documents; and the appendix occupies the reft of the volume, which is a thick octavo; but, for fome reason which we know not, its pages are not numbered.


ART. IX. Brief Reflections on the Correspondence between Lord Grenville and M. Otto, in Auguft and September, 1800. 8vo. Pr. 43. Wright. London. 1800.


HIS curious correfpondence has been already noticed by us. Such a one, previous to the existence of the French Republic, we will venture to affirm, was not to be found in the annals of deplomacy. It is the object of these reflections to fhew, what, by the bye, has been repeatedly proclaimed to the world, and is perfectly well known to the military defpot of France; that our Government are ready to open a negociation with the enemy, on fair and equal terms, and in conjunction with our Allies. The infolence and infincerity of the proposals made by Mr. Otto, their grofs inconfiftency with the very bafis of negociation laid down by the French themselves, and the unprecedented refusal to admit us even to negociate with them, unless we consented to purchase such admiffion, by a facrifice of advantages, the most important,-a refusal which, in any other times than the prefent, would have excited a general spirit of refentment, a general cry of indignation throughout the country, and have put an immediate ftop to all farther correfpondence-are expofed by the author with fuccefs, and, at the fame time, with a degree of calmness and mode. ration which befpeaks a very unusual command of temper.



ART. X. War proved to be the real Caufe of the prefent Scarcity, and enormous high Price of every Article of Confumption, with the only radical Remedies. By Robert Waithman. 8vo. Pr. 80. 28. Jordan. London... 1800.

IN appreciating the labours of our radical reformers we should never lofe fight of their different fpecies of proofs; of thefe, two are moft frequently used; 1. The proof by affertion, confined, principally, to political pamphlets, newspaper paragraphs, tavern-harangues, and Common-hall declamations; 2. The proof by OATH, employed only on great occafions, and in courts of law, where an accomplice is to be fupported, a friend ferved, or the private intereft of the party prov ing promoted. On a trial, which called for this laft fpecies of proof, in the Court of King's-Bench, Lord KENYON, after hearing the evidence of the RADICAL REFORMER, told the jury, with more energy than candour, with more truth than liberality, that THE MAN WAS NOT TO BE BELIEVED UPON HIS OATH!-We are unfortunately unable to do juftice to his Lordship's expreffion on the memorable occafion, as we cannot, at prefent, lay our hand on the report of the trial. But we beg pardon for this digreffion, which can, of course, Have no poffible reference to Mr. Waithman or his pamphlet. To them, therefore, we turn. Know, then, gentle reader, that Mr. W. keeps a fhop, near Fleet-market; is a member of the Whig Club ; makes a figure at all parochial meetings; and is a distinguished orator in the Common-Hall. It follows, of neceffity, that he must be a profound political Arithmetician, a great Statesman, and an eminent legiflator. In fact, indifputable proofs of all the prominent features of thefe different characters, are confpicuous throughout his performanice; for he has here contrived to concentrate in one focus all the diverging rays of the genius of Jacobinifm, fcattered over the pages of the Chronicle and the Poft, and the harangues of Mr. Tierney and himelf; and, with the aid of fome embellishments in almost every page; (which the enemies to the Rights of Man vulgarly denominate lies); how and then a contradiction of fome former affertion; a few innovations in the accustomed rules of orthography; and a score or two of deviations from the established principles of grammar; it forms as pretty a political hodge-podge, as has lately iffued from the Jacobinical cauldron. But as most of our readers must have already seen the whole contents of the book, in the papers and fpeeches, above mentioned; we shall confine ourselves to a fcanty felection of its ptincipal beauties.

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The book is dedicated, with great propriety, to Mr. Combe, the Ex-Mayor, who is judiciously reprefented as a paragon of wisdom, integrity, and patriotifin. But Citizen Waithman falls far fhort, in patriotic adulation, of the American Citizens, whofe panegyric on Mr. Combe is inferted in the American Rufh-light. He ought to have enlivened his dedication by fome fprightly fallies on the advan tages of gaming, exemplified by a night-fcene at Brooks's; and on the blettings of fury, illuftrated by appropriate extracts from the accounts of Mr. Martindale's affignees !—Such an omiffion displays a want of genius.


Leaving the Ex-Mayor on the "proud eminence" on which the author has placed him, we fhall proceed to mark fome few of the embellishments with which he has decorated his book." Thousands of our fellow-creatures are daily falling victims to the poverty and dif trefs, arifing from the exorbitant price of every neceffary article of life." (P. 8.) The prefent fcarcity and extravagant high price arife from the prefent expensive, deftructive, and most unfortunate war" (P. 13.) "From the Revolution to the termination of the war of 1756 the ave, rage prices of wheat in time of war exceed the prices in time of peace about one-fifth." (P. 21.) "Our present famine and diftrefs proceed from no other caufe" than the war. (P. 46.) "The liberty of the prefs is destroyed." (P. 51.) "We are honestly informed of the true object of the war, viz. the replacing that family on the throne of France who had ever been the bitterest and most implacable enemies of this country." (P. 53.)-To quit metaphor, all these affertions, and many others which we might have selected, are impudent and wilful falihoods. Nor does the author even take the pains to preferve confiftency in his falfhoods. He tells us, in P. 41, that "the produce of the country, even in time of peace, appears to be not equal to the confumption;" yet, in P. 29, he affirms, that fince the war, we have been under the neceflity of importing corn and other articles to a large amount, which we could have grown at home, had our foldiers been allowed to remain at the plow.' Again, this man afferts, in P. 37 "that the repeated overtures for the termination of hoftilities will far more exonerate our enemies from fuch a design (of ruining the country) than thofe Minifters, who arrogantly refused to liften to them."And he afterwards expatiates on " their infolent and arrogant rejection of the overtures of the French Conful;"then, to fupport this charge. against the Minifters of their being averfe from peace, he fays, (P. 53.).



we have been bafely and fueakingly foliciting permiffion to be admitted to a joint negociation with the Emperor."-So that, in the eftimation of this enlightened patriot, to reject overtures, is to be infolent and arrogant; and to make them, is to be bafe and Sneaking. In enumerating the oppreffions under which we labour the Citizen affures us, that "the people are restricted from deliberating upon matters of public grievances;" (P. 51.) but in pointing out the means to be adopted by the people for procuring redrels for thofe grievances, he fays, meet in your counties, meet in your cities, meet in your towns and boroughs, in a firm, peaceable manner, as warranted by. Law!" (P. 79.)


In fuch a compofition, as might naturally be fuppofed, no pains are fpared to inflame the minds of the people and to excite difcontent. among them; and wherever a paffage occurs that is peculiarly calcu lated for that purpose, it derives additional force from the aid of Italics and SMALL CAPITALS. In this fpirit, the author, whose very exclamations are ftolen from the father of lies, fays it is la mentable to behold fo many thousands of our fellow-creatures, by the fweat of whofe brows all the luxuries of the rich are acquired, pining with want; and to reflect that their miferable days are shortened by exceffiye toil, and the want of fuch things as are neceflary to fupport




nature."-This patriotic exclamation is followed by a fuitable queftion, perfectly on a level with the writer's own underftanding, and with the understanding of thofe, to whom it is particularly addreffed. "I will ask whether fuch things ought to be? ought fo many to live in indolence and ease at the expence of the labourers, who are unable themselves to fubfift by their labour?"-Having ftated the country to be in the most deplorable ftate, and having faid, with Mr. Tierney, "this is not a country for an honeft man to live in ;"* he proceeds to open his budget of remedies, which are fuper-excellent of the kind, though all fecond-hand. His three grand specifics are to make an im mediate peace, with the regicides of France; and then to plunder the King and rob the Church!--All remedies of approved virtue. Nothing is to be done without "the abolition or commutation of tythes;" By the fale of the Church Lands, and fuch falutary reformations, part of the national debt might be liquidated, and the country relieved from grievous vexations and exactions." (r. 65.) And, as a proper accompaniment of this falutary reform, he contends that the people fhould have "the choice of their pastors."-" The Crown Lands, if fold, would liquidate a confiderable part of the national debt, and is a measure" (what is a measure?)" which ought to be immediately reforted to." There is one point upon which a city-reformer differs from all cofmopolitical reformers; he never recommends the abolition of corporations; and for this plain reason, that he hopes himself to enjoy a portion of their honours and emoluments,

The confummate ignorance of this man, if his defigns were not fo obviously mischievous, would be highly diverting. Though he has laboured to imprefs us with the belief that there is a real and great fcarcity of gold and filver in the country, he infifts on the immediate purchafe of the Crown Lands; the immediate inclosure of twenty millions of acres of Waste Land; and the immediate erection of one million and a half of cottages for the poor; which, if the plan were as practicable as it unquestionably is impracticable, would require, on the lowest computation, an expenditure of two hundred and fifty millious! His propofed plan for relieving the poor by the erection of cottages (with half an acre of land to each) is equally curious. Thefe cottages are to contain fifteen hundred thoufand families; which, according to the ufual estimate of five fouls to a family, would amount to feven millions and a half of perfons; more than the whole population of England, if the calculations of fome of our political economists, were to be received as juft, but, at all events, a very large proportion of that population! This fapient economist would have the twenty millions of acres, to be inclosed, divided into fmall farms, none of which fhould exceed a bundred acres! He has not the sense to know, that if the whole country were fo divided, there would, in all probability, be a conftant deficiency of corn; for though too great a number of large farms be undoubtedly an evil, inafmuch as it difcourages population and favours fpeculation, it is neceffary that there should be

We have not heard that either Mr. Tierney or this hopeful pupil of his has ever entertained an idea of ceafing to live in this country. a due

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