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connected with, the possession of the lands · from the position of a day-labourer to which have descended to them from their

that of an occupier of land. On the ancestors. They estimate their value by

same principle we are rejoiced to obanother than a mere pecuniary standard.

serve the gradual extension of the alThey are attached to them by the oldest lotment system ; although it would and most endearing associations ; and they have a stiil more beneficial effect, we are seldom parted with except under the most painful circumstances. Hence the think, if the land was granted in the perpetuity of property in England in the shape of a croft about the cottage, same families, notwithstanding the limit- thus giving the tenant a greater inteed duration of entails; great numbers of rest, and more individual sense of proestates being at this moment enjoyed by prietorship, than when his piece of those whose ancestors acquired them at or land is packed, along with a number soon after the Conquest. But in France of others, into a mass of unsightly such feelings are proscribed. Estates and patches. families have there no abiding connexion ; In connexion with the small holdand at the demise of an individual who ings in Ireland, it should not be forhas a number of children, his estate can

And hardly escape being subdivided.

gotten that this subdivision of the this effect of the law tends to imbue the

land results mainly from the practice proprietors with corresponding sentiments of sub-letting; and this again has and feelings. “Non seulement,' says M. arisen in a great degree from the De Tocqueville,“ la loi des successions practice of granting long leases, rend difficile aux familles de conserver the want of which in England has intacts les mêmes domaines, mais elle leur served, among many other things, for ôte le désir de le tenter, et elle les en- an outcry against the landlords. Mr traîne, en quelque sorte, à coopérer avec M'Culloch has pointed out the evils of elle à leur propre ruine.'”—P. 85-86.

too long leases on the farming tenant, But MrM.Culloch dwells more par- that they superinduce a sense of seticularly on the injurious effects to curity which easily degenerates into agriculture from the parcelling out of indolence. But the influence on Irethe land into small properties. He land is even worse, by breaking up shows that a small proprietor is not the land into small patches, on which so efficient a cultivator of the soil as a

the occupier can but just maintain tenant, in which doctrine Arthur himself, paying an exorbitant rent to Young had preceded him. He shows, the middleman. For it is not the also, that the subdivision of properties eager demand for land amongst the leads to the subdivision of farms, and Irish peasantry, as we sometimes urges that it is impossible to have good hear, that has produced this subdivifarming on small patches of land. Of sion of the land, but the subdivision the miseries of an agricultural system that has produced the demand, by carried on by small farmers on petty putting the cultivation of the land holdings, we have already a sufficient into the hands of a class who are example in Ireland. We cannot but unable, through want of skill and think, however, that the progress of capital, to carry it on; who cannot, things in England has too much swal- therefore, furnish employment for the lowed up those little farms of from labourers, and thus drive them to thirty to fifty acres, which at one time grasp at little parcels of laud as their were common over the country. Not only means of securing a wretched but what capital is employed at a subsistence; and this security, as we great disadvantage on these little hold- know, has more than once proved but ings—but where there is a general sys- a fancied one, as in the disastrous tem of good-sized farms, an intermixfailure of the potato crop. ture of smaller farms is not attended While we are on this subject, we with injurious effects proportional to may draw the reader's attention to a those which arise where the whole of very able pamphlet by an Irish genthe land is split up into minute parcels. tleman, on Irish matters, which, And then small farmers furnish a link though we believe it has never been between the yeomanry and peasantry, published, has had an extensive priwhich it is useful to maintain, cheering vate circulation. We allude to “ An the poor man's lot by pointing out to Address to the Members of the House him a path by which he may advance of Commons on the Landlord and Tenant Question, by Warren H. R. be anxious to contract with those Jackson, Esq." The work, though parties from whom he could obtain his somewhat tinged with the hard poli- rents with least trouble, leaving them tico-economical school, is written to deal with the land as they liked, with great shrewdness of thought and and thereby continuing and increasing freedom from prejudice, and is well the odious middleman system. worthy the careful attention of the Mr M.Culloch does not confine his honourable House. The writer, in examination of the compulsory partidiscussing the vexed question he has tion in France to its influence on taken in hand, fully coincides with agriculture. He has discerned certain the general principles laid down by political effects of that and the con. Mr M Culloch. " This," he says, comitant system of which it is a part, (speaking of the subdivision of land) with a precision which subsequent “is one of the monster grievances of events have elevated into a sort of Ireland, and you will do little good prophecy. The preface to his work is unless you abate it.” This abate- dated December 1847, and the work ment he would bring about mainly was published, we believe, early in by prospective laws, as by placing all January. There can, therefore, be no contracts for subletting hors la loi, grounds for classing the following pasand so taking away from the first sage with those anticipations whiclı lessee all power of recovering his rent are made after the event:from the actual tenant. We cannot but think that this would be found a

“ The aristocratical element is no longer most salutary enactment. It should

to be found in French society; and the be remembered, that the occupier is compulsory division of the soil

, while it responsible to the owner of the free

prevents the growth of an aristocracy, hold by the power of distress vested impresses the same character of mobility

upon landed possessions that is impressed in the latter, and it is but just that

on the families of their occupiers. Hence he should be relieved from the liability the prevalent want of confidence in the to pay two rents—a liability which it continuance of the present order of things is manifest no good farmer would in- in France. What is there in that country cur, but which the squalid ravager of to oppose an effectual resistance to a the soil in Ireland is always eager revolutionary movement ? Monarchy in for.

France has been stripped of those old asIt has been said that no further sociations and powerful bulwarks whence legislative enactment is required in it derives almost all its lustre and supIreland, and that administrative wis. port in this and other countries. The dom must do what yet remains to be unenvied dignity, without the shelter of

throne stands in solitary, though not done. Mr Jackson, however, shows

a single eminence, exposed to the full that there are such deep-seated evils force of the furious blasts that sweep in Ireland as cannot be cured except from every point of the surrounding by the direct interference of the legis level, There is nothing intermediate, lature. But we think he expects too nothing to hinder a hostile majority in the much from the Sale of Encumbered Chamber of Deputies from at once subEstates Bill. An extensive change verting the regal branch of the constituof proprietorship would, we are per- tion, or changing the reigning dynasty.”

-P. 132-133. suaded, be a great evil in Ireland. There is an attachment in general to Scarcely was the printer's ink dry the “ould stock” among their poorer on this passage when the Throne of neighbours, which would naturally be the Barricades was gone. We have followed by a jealousy and prejudice given our author full credit for his against the new comers who displaced sagacity in penetrating into the future, them. And this prejudice would of but we think it would puzzle him to itself neutralise any efforts for improve foretell what is to come next. We ment which the landlord might other- are disposed to doubt, however, whewise be disposed to make—although, ther an aristocracy could have prein most cases, we should not expect served the throne of Louis Philippe. much effort in this direction from a It is true that in our own country stranger mortgagee, often an unwill- William of Nassau and George of ing purchaser, who would naturally Brunswick maintained their crowns by the aid of powerfal sections of the pourra briller dans les lettres et les arts, nobility. But the revolutions which mais sa gloire politique me semble gave them those crowns were not the devoir être passagère comme un méteore.? volcanic outbursts of popular force. CHEVALIER, Lettres sur l'Amerique, ii. Under such outbursts, no successful 379,” pp. 171, 172. usurper, no “Hero-king," no sove- We have already said that we reign by the will of the people, has think England certain to have an been able to devise a principle which aristocracy of some description. The shall establish his throne in security, ambition of the people to advance and serve in the stead of that prestige themselves individually in the social of old hereditary succession, that scale will necessarily lead to a high grand feudal idea of kingly right, value being set upon those advanced which is the essential fountain of positions, and will tend to make them the reverence that guards royalty. the fulcrum from which the country is Louis Philippe would have confirmed governed. And we can conceive his sovereignty by means of the nothing more fatal to our national influence exerted upon interested organisation than the result which officials. No sooner was his power would follow indirectly from the reshaken in its unstable equilibrium peal of these laws. It may be sp. than the men whom his gold had posed at first sight that no very vital bought rushed to worship the rising question is involved here. Let those sun of the young Republic. Napo- who suppose so, take a view of the leon, before him, would have built up probable condition of society wbich a similar power on military glory: would ensue. These, and other sohis doom was sealed when his eagles called feudalities, being swept away, turned from the field of Leipsic. land becomes a commercial article, Cromwell employed religious fanati- according to the desire of the plutocism to the same end: the fanaticism cratic reformers. Estates are trucked lasted his time, but we will venture about in the market like bills of exto say that, had he lived, his pro- change; constantly changing hands, tectorate would not have reached the their owners have little connexion seventeen years allotted to the demo with them or the people that live on cratic King of the French.

them, regarding them merely in the Our author is of opinion that, after light of so much realised capital. The all, the system of compulsory parti- old families gradually become distion will fail to guard what has since possessed ; mere wealth is recognised become the French Republic :- as the sole qualification for rank and

influence; and the leading class in “But, though it were possible, which the state is composed of men who are it is not, to obviate the mischievous influence of the French and other plans money. Far be it from us to under

an aristocracy by virtue of ready for preventing the increase and con

value the enterprise, integrity, and tinuance of property in the same families, industry of our merchant manufacit may be confidently predicted that they will, in time to come as hitherto,

turers and tradesmen. But we will wholly fail in their grand object of per

say that when we meet with a man, petuating the ascendancy of the demo- as we often do among those classes, cracy. In old settled and fully peopled endowed with a broad range of countries, where the bulk of the popula- thought and high and noble aims, tion is necessarily poor and dependent, we regard him as possessing these an aristocracy is indispensable for the qualities not as a consequence, but support of a free system of government- in spite of a commercial training. 'Il importe à tous les peuples qui ont la The immediate effects of such trainprétention de devenir ou de rester puis- ing are to narrow the mind and sants, d'avoir une aristocratie, c'est-à-dire un corps héréditaire ou non, qui conserve

cramp the soul, not in respect of et perpetue les traditions, donne de

domestic and social life-for in these, l'esprit de suite à la politique, et se yone perhaps, the middle classes are unsurà l'art le plus difficile de tous, qu' passed by any other—but in the proanjourd'hui cependant tout le monde vinces of the statesman and the croit savoir sans l'avoir appris, celui de politician. gouverner. Un peuple sans aristocratie In these times, it seems to be com


monly supposed that a legislator—like high profits, and a brisk trade in calia poet--nascitur, non fit. There is a certain kind of training, the acquisi- Many of our readers will recollect, tion of a certain cast of thought, which a passage in Cicero, (Off: i. 42,) in are requisites for statesmen as a class, which he reprobates, more or less, all as much as his legal reading for a law- commercial pursuits, in respect of their yer, or his apprenticeship for a handi- operations on the moral insight of craftsman. Statesmen, however, have man, and finishes with the praise of to deal with practical matters ; and the culture of the soil, in these words : therefore we think, as we have before “Omnium rerum ex quibus aliquid said, that while the predominance of acquiritur, nihil est agriculturâ meliùs, these requisites in the legislature is nihil uberiùs, nihil dulciùs, nihil homine essential to good government, there libero digniùs.” In this country we may with advantage at the same time should find it difficult to go along be a certain admixture of the men with the feelings of the old Roman practically versed in commerce and republican on these points. But manufactures. But this should be al- though we have already expressed ways a subordinate, not a leading, ele- our high sense of the social and doment in the principles which regulate mestic virtues of the middle or the administration of government. — trading classes, yet we are most conWe repeat, that the counting-house, fident in the truth of our position, the loom, and the anvil, are not the that the shop is the worst possible best schools for legislators. For that preparation for the senate. We know office, a man requires leisure and edu- that there is a talk abroad about cation. We shall be told that a earnest workers, drones of the hive, " Squire” is not necessarily an edu- and so forth. By all means, let every cated man. We do not maintain that man work who is fit to work. But it he is. But, in the first place, as we is not necessary, nor is it desirable, cannot well have an education-test, that every man should work for gain. we must go to the class in which, as a On the contrary, we hold that a class class, we find the highest and most endowed with leisure is indispensable, enlarged form of education ; and we not only for the grace and civilisation, believe that this qualification can, but even for the moral well-being of without question, be claimed for the a community. That money should leisure-class, or gentlemen of Eng- become the one grand loadstar of land. In the second place, it should thought and action is the bane of be remembered, that if the squire is those societies where the pursuit of not always individually what we money is the general employment; should call an educated man, he yet but where there is such a leisure-class imbibes his thoughts and notions from as we have spoken of, forming the those who are such, who give tone to topmost rank of a nation otherwise the society in which he moves, In chiefly mercantile, there are numberinvestigating the characteristics of less influences derived from it which classes, it can scarcely be but that a percolate through the underlying number of exceptions to our general masses, and check or modify the rules will force themselves upon our exclusive reverence for wealth to attention. Yet, in good truth, we be- which they would otherwise be prone. lieve that almost all the individual Even a mere blind respect for rank or examples which can be cited will bear title exalts the mind immeasurably as out our estimate. The highest con- compared with mammon-worship. tributions to the legislature, on the While on the subject of our leisurepart of the middle or commercial class, which is pretty nearly synonyclasses, have been the shrewd practi- mous with the landed gentry, we must cal men of business, men of the stamp not pass over in silence a subject in of Mr Hawes. As for the Cobdens connexion with which the outcry and Brights, et hoc genus omne, their against “the drones of the hive" is only motive principle appears to be frequently introduced. We refer to the interests of My Shop. Their no- the Game-Laws. The whole question tion of loyalty, patriotism, and British of these laws has been so fully discussprosperity, is nothing but low wages, ed in a recent Number of this magazine, that we will not attempt in any somebody to look after the police, and way to open that controversy. But take care that no one robs their till ; they are so commonly coupled with that is their idea of government. They the Laws of Entail as "feudalities," want a man (some of them being and as interfering with the transmis- willing to allow him a small salary, sion of land according to “ commercial though others think that it does not principles," that we could not alto pay) to preach to the masses, and tell gether omit the mention of them. We them not to steal, and to be content will at this time only observe, that the with their wages; that is their idea of denunciation of the Game-Laws is a the church. We do not think, how. part of the crusade which Hard-Cash, ever, that the tone of thought prevathat arrogant monopolist who bears no lent among the Manchester school is brother near his throne, is waging destined yet to lead the mind of Eng. against all other objects of interest or land. And we are the less inclined to devotion. Let it not be supposed that look forward to such a national debaselaws are of minor importance because ment when we find so enlightened an they relate to the amusements of any advocate of free-trade policy as Mr portion of the community. They may M'Culloch-the advocate of a theory derive their importance from that cir- which we hold to be erroneous, but not cumstance as tending to raise up some- the selfish and greedy clamourer for thing which shall cope with the lust of the gain of himself and his class—thus gold. The game-preserving interest coming forward to vindicate the laws is worth maintenance if only as clash- which preserve the hereditary characing with mammonism.

ter of our aristocracy, which lend so While the brawlers about "improve- efficient an aid in shielding us from ment" and“progress, "are heaping their the crushing tread of mammonism, meaningless abuse upon feudalities, and in preventing "commercial prinwe should be glad to know what they ciples" from introducing the ledger purpose to do with that greatest fen- and day-book into our manor houses, dality of all, the Crown? Already and the counter into our farmers' there are symptoms of an intention to parlours. In this view we most hearttake that matter in hand. Mr Cobden ily thank our author for his noble and and some of his Calibans have talked energetic contribution to our National in the House of Commons about cur- Defences at the present time; and as tailing the “barbarous splendour” of there is a wide field open in conthe throne. They know nothing and nexion with the subject he has so care nothing about the historical asso- powerfully handled, we cannot take ciation and constitutional truths em- leave of him without expressing a bodied in the ancient appendages of hope that we may before long listen royalty. Ilow should they? They want to him again on the same side.”

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