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She will look on thee; I have Inok'd on thee,
Full of that thought, and from that moment ne'er
Thy waters could I dream of, name or see,
Without the inseparable sigh for her.
Her bright eyes will be imaged in thy stream;
Yes, they will meet the wave 1 gaze on now:
Mine cannot witness, even in a dream,
That happy wave repass me in its flow.
The wave that bears my tears returns no more:
Will she return by whom that wave shall sweep?
Both tread thy banks, both wander on thy shore;
I near thy source, she by the dark-blue deep.
But that which kcepeth us apart is not
Distance, nor depth of wave, nor space of earth,
But the distraction of a various lot,
As various as the climates of our birth.
A stranger loves a lady of the land,
Born far beyond the mountains, but his blood
Is all meridian, as if never faun'd
By the bleak wind that chills the polar flood.
My blood is all meridian; were it not,
I had not left my clime;—I shall not be,
Jn spite of tortures ne'er to be forgot,
A slave again of love, at least of thee.
Tis vain to struggle—let mc perish young—
Live as I lived, and love as I have loved;
To dust if I return, from dust I sprung,
And then at least my heart can ne er be moved." That Lord Byron should have joined to his religious scepticism some superstitious weaknesses, will surprise many: to us it seems no incompatibility. There is little or no connexion between reason and sentiment, and all imaginative persons are liable to this disease : for superstition is the malady of man himself, only as he is an imaginative animal. He once consulted a conjurer, more out of sport than curiosity. • He was told that two years would be fatal to him, his twenty-seventh and his thirtyseventh. In the first he married, in the second he died. Lest, however, this coincidence should appear something supernatural, we may add that the witch was mistaken in other particulars. Whoever feels strongly must be subject to those depressions of spirits which engender the notion of forebodings: no true lover will doubt this, and few of us all but will recollect instances in which we have flattered or teased ourselves with such trifles, when much moved by passion. The subject of religion Lord B. seems always to have viewed with a poet's eye; and however much he may have been offended with the abuses of establishments, and jealous of priestly assertions of authority in such matters, he seems to have regarded the subject more as an author than a man; much, however, of what is related of him in the Journal on this head, may have been mere idle indulgence of mood, repeated without reflection, and forgotten as soon as said. Of the work itself, it is needless to add more. Every body will read it, as every body reads whatever appears concerning Lord Byron. Mr. Medwin's acquaintance with his hero commenced through the introduction of Shelley; and he seems to have obtained a prompt admission into the confidence of the confraternity. What this opportunity afforded him of knowing, he apparently has collected with industry, and reported with fidelity. There can be little doubt that such a book must be at once interesting and amusing in' common deprree. ■■
LAUS ATBA.MEMI, Oil THE PKAISE OF UI.ACK1NG.
A New Song.
Our Sires were such pedagogue blockheads of yore,
That they sent us to college instruction to seek,
Law, logic, and algebra, Latin and Greek;
On the banks of the I sis, ye classical fools!
Who with Lycophron's crabbedness puzzle your ear,
At Cambridge, from tables of Baron Napier,
When a gentleman dubb'd by the knight of the brush,
Who has set up your foot m Corinthian style,
Secure of the public's distinguishing smile,
And ye who are struggling your fortunes to make
By the briefer the bolus, law, commerce, or trade.
Ana be makers of blacking, by taunts undismay'd,
Day and Martin now laugh as they ride in their coach.
Till they're black in the face as their customers'boots;
Which Turner's advertisement plumply refutes;
Their labels belibel each other each wall
With the feuds of these rivals in blacking is white;
But the high polished town seems to patronise all,
For my own part I think, I shall mix up my ink,
In a bottle with lamp-black and beer to the brink,
And set up at once for a shiner of shoes, • Since 1 never shall shine by the aid of the Muse. AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THEOBALD WOLFE TONE.*
"The club [of United Irishmen} adopted the declaration of their brethren of Belfast, with whom they immediately opened a correspondence. It is but justice to an honest man who has been persecuted for a firm adherence to his principles, to observe here, that Tandy, in coming forward on this occasion, well knew that he was putting to the most extreme hazard his popularity among the corporation of the city of Dublin, with whom he had enjoyed the most unbounded influence for near twenty years; and, in fact, in the event his popularity was sacrificed. That did not, however, prevent his taking his part decidedly. He had the firmness to forego the gratification of his private feelings for the good of his country. The truth is, Tandy was a very sincere republican, and it did not require much argument to shew him the impossibility of attaining a republic by any means short of the united powers of the whole people. He, therefore, renounced the lesser object for the greater, and gave up the certain influence which he possessed, and had well earned, in the city, for the contingency of that influence which he might have, and which he well deserved to have, in the nation. For my part 1 think it right to mention, that at this lime the establishment of a republic was not the immediate object of my speculations: my object was to secure the independence of my country under any form of government, to which I was led by a hatred to England so deeply rooted in my nature, that it was rather an instinct than a prmciple. I left to others better qualified for the enquiry, the investigation into the merits of the different forms of government; and I contented myself with labouring on my own system, which was luckily in perfect coincidence, as to its operation, with that of those men- who viewed the question on a broader and juster scale than I did at the time I mention. But to return. The club was scarcely formed before I lost all pretensions to any thine like influence on their measures—a circumstance which at first mortified uie not a little; and, perhaps, had I retained more weight in their councils, I might have prevented, as on some occasions I laboured unsuccessfully to prevent, their running into indiscretions which gave their enemies but too great advantages over them. It is easy to be wise after the event. So it was, however, that 1 soon sunk into obscurity in the club, which, however, 1 had the satisfaction to see daily increasing m numbers and consequence. The Catholics, particularly, flocked in crowds, as well as the Protestant members of corporations most distinguished for their liberality and public spirit on former occasions; and, indeed, I must do the society the justice to say, that 1 believe there never existed a political body which included for its members a greater portion of sincere, uncorrupted patriotism, as well as a very respectable portion of talents. Their publications, mostly written by Dr. Drennan, and many of them admirably well done, began to draw the public attention, especially as they were evidently the production of a society utterly disclaiming all party views or motives, and acting on a broad original scale, not sparing those who called themselves patriots more than those who were the habitual slaves of the government— a system in which 1 heartily concurred, having long entertained a more sincere contempt for what is called the Opposition, than for the common prostitutes of the treasury bench, who want at least, the vice of hypocrisy. At length the Solicitor-general, in speaking of the Society, having made use of expressions in the House of Commons extremely offensive, an explanation was demanded of him by Simon Butler, chairman, and Tandy, secretary. Butler was satisfied ; Tandy was not; and after several messages, which it is not my affair to detail, the Solicitor-general at length complained to the House of a breach of privilege, and Tandy was ordered in the first instance into custody. He was, in consequence, arrested by a messenger, from whom he found means to escape; and immediately a proclamation was issued, offering a
* Civ tinned from pairc34r. vOL. XI. NO. JLvII, 2 E
reward for retaking him. The Society now was in a difficult situation, and 1 thought myself called upon to make an effort, at all hazards to myself, to prevent its falling, by improper timidity, in the public opinion. We were, m fact, committed with the House of Commons on the question of privilege; and, having fairly engaged in the contest, it was impossible to recede without a total forfeiture of character. Under these circumstances, 1 cast my eyes on Archibald Hamilton Rowan, a distinguished member of the Society, whose many virtues, public and private, had set his name above the reach of even the malevolence of party, whise situation in life was ef the most respectable rank, (if rank be mdeed respectable); and, above all, whose personal courage was not to be shaken—a circumstance, in the actual situation of affairs, of the last importance. To Rowan, therefore, I applied. I shewed him that the current of public opinion was rather setting against us in the business, and that it was necessary that some of us should step forward and expose themselves at all risks, to shew the House of Commons, and the nation at large, that we were not to be intimidated or put down so easily; and I offered, if he would take the chair, that L would, with the Society's permission, act as secretary, and that we would give our signatures to such publications as circumstances might render necessary. Rowan instantly agreed; and accordingly on the next night of meeting, he was chosen chairman and 1 secretary m the absence of Tandy; and the Society having agreed to the resolutions proposed, which were worded in a manner very offensive to the dignity of the House of Commons, and, in fact, amounted to a challenge of their authority, we inserted them in all the newspapers, and printed 5000 copies with our names affixed. The least that Rowan and I expected in consequence of this step, (which under the circumstances was, I must say, rather a bold one,) was to be committed to Newgate for a breach of privilege; and, perhaps, exposed to personal discussion with some of the members of the House of Commons; for he proposed and I agreed, that if any disrespectful language was applied to either of us in any debate which might arise on the business, we would attack the person, whoever he might be, immediately, and oblige him either to recant his words or give battle. All our determinations, nowever, came to nothing. The House of Commons, either content with their victory over Tandy, who was obliged to conceal himself for some time, or not thinking Rowan and myself objects sufficiently important to attract their notice; or, perhaps, (which I rather believe,) not wishing just then to embroil themselves with a man of Rowan's firmness and courage, not to speak of his great and justly merited popularity, took no notice whatsoever of our resolutions; and in this manlier he and I had the good fortune, or, if I may say, the merit, to rescue the Society from a situation of considerable difficulty, without any actual suffering, though certainly with some personal hazard on our parts. We had, likewise, the satisfaction to see the Society, instead of losing ground, rise rapidly in the public opinion by their firmness on the occasion. Shortly after, on the last day of the session, Tandy appeared in public, and was taken into custody, the whole Society attending m a body to the House of Commons. He was ordered by the Speaker to be committed to Newgate, whither he was conveyed, the Society attending him as before; and the Parliament being prorogued in half an hour after, he was liberated immediately, and escorted in triumph to his own house. On this occasion Rowan and I attended, of course, and were in the gallery of the House of Commons. As we were not sure but we might he attacked ourselves, we took pains to place ourselves in a conspicuous situation, and to wear our whig-club uniforms, which were rather gaudy, in order to signify to all whom it might concern, that there we were. A good many of the members, we observed, remarked us, but no farther notice was taken; our names were never mentioned; the whole business passed over quietly, and I resigned my prosecretaryship, being the only office I ever held in the Society, into the hands of Tandy, who resumed his functions. This was in Spring 1792. 1 should •bserve, that the day after the publication abovementioned, when 1 attended near the House of Commons in expectation of being called before them to answer for what 1 had done, and had requested my friend, Sir Laurence Parsons, to give me notice in order that 1 might present myself, the House took fire by accident, and was burnt to the ground.
"The Society of United Irishmen beginning to attract the"public notice considerably in consequence of the event I have mentioned, and it being pretty geuerally known that 1 was principally instrumental in its formation, I was one day surprised by a visit from the barrister, who had about two years before spoken to me on the partof the Whig leaders,—a business of which I had long since discharged my memory. He told me he was sorry to see the new !ine C was adopting in politics; the more so, as 1 might rely upon it that the principles I now held would never be generally adopted, and -consequently I was devoting myself without advancing any beneficial purpose. He also testified some surprise at my conduct, and msinuated pretty directly, though with great civility, that I had not kept faith with the Whigs, with whom ne professed to understand 1 had connected myself, and whom in consequence I ought to have consulted before I took so decided a line of conduct as 1 had lately done. I did not like the latter part of his discourse at all: however I answered him with great civility on my part, 'that as to the principles he mentioned, I had not adopted them without examination—that as to the pamphlet I had written in the Catholic cause, 1 had not advanced a syllable I uid not conscientiously believe, and consequently 1 was neither inclined to repent nor retract.' As to my supposed connexion with the Whigs, I remmded him that I had not sought them: on the contrary, they had sought me. If they had on reflection not thought me worth cultivatmg, that was no fault of mine. I observed also that Mr. George Ponsonby, whom I looked upon as principal in the business, had never spoken to me above a dozen times in ray life, and then merely on ordinary topics: that I was too proud to be treated in that manner: and if I was supposed capable of rendering service to the party, it could only be by confiding in and communicating with me, that I could be really serviceable, and on that footing only would I consent to be treated; that probably Mr. Ponsonby would think that rather a lofty declaration, but it was my determination, the more so, as I knew he was rather a proud man: finally, 1 observed, he had my permission to report all this, and that I looked upon myself as under no tie of obligation whatsoever; that! had written a pamphlet, unsolicited, in favour of the party; that I had consequently been -employed in a business professionally, which produced me eighty guineas -; that I looked on myself as sufficiently rewarded, but I also considered the money as fully earned; that 1 had at present taken my party; that my principles were known ; and 1 was not at all inclined to retract them. What I had done, 1 had done, and I was determined to abide by it.—My friend then said, he was sorry to see me so obstinate, and protesting that his principal object was to serve me, in which 1 believed him, he took his leave, and this put an end completely to the idea of a connexion with the Whigs. I spoke rather haughtily in this affair, because I was somewhat provoked at the msinuation of duplicity, and besides I wished to have a blow at Mr. G. Ponsonby, who seemed desirous to retain me as a kind of pamphleteer in his service, at the same time that he avoided industriously any thing like communication with me; a situation to which I was neither so weak nor so mean as to suffer myself to be reduced; and as I well knew he was one of the proudest men in Ireland, I took care to speak on a footing of the most independent equality. After this discussion 1 for the second time dismissed all idea of Ponsonby and the Whigs, but I had good reason a long time after to believe that he had not so readily forgot the business as I had; and indeed he was very near having his full revenge upon me, as 1 shall mention in its place.
"I have already observed that the first attempts of the Catholic Committee, after the secession of their aristocracy, were totally unsuccessful. In 1790 they could not even find a member of parliament who would condescend to