a clearer apprehension hereof than is commonly delivered in the discourses of Troy, we may consider one inland Troy, or old Ilium, which was built farther within the land, and so was removed from the port where the Grecian fleet lay in Homer; and another maritime Troy, which was upon the sea coast, placed in the maps of Ptolemy, between Lectum and Sigæum or Port Janizam, southwest from the old city, which was this of St. Paul, and whereunto are appliable the particular accounts of Bellonius, when, not an hundred years ago, he described the ruins of Troy with their baths, aqueducts, walls, and towers, to be seen from the sea as he sailed between it and Tenedos ; and where, upon nearer view, he observed some signs and impressions of his conversion in the ruins of churches, crosses, and inscriptions upon stones. Nor was this only a famous city in the days of St. Paul, but considerable long after. For, upon the letter of Adrianus, Herodes, Atticus, at a great charge, repaired their baths, contrived aqueducts and noble water courses in it. As is also collectible from the medals of Caracalla, of Severus, and Crispina; with inscriptions, Colonia Alexandria Troas, bearing on the reverse either an horse, a temple, or a woman; denoting their destruction by an horse, their prayers for the emperor's safety, and, as some conjecture, the memory of Sibylla Phrygia, or Hellespontica. Nor wanted this city the favour of christian princes, but was made a bishop's see under the archbishop of Cyzicum; but in succeeding discords was destroyed and ruined, and the nobler stones translated to Constantinople by the Turks to beautify their mosques and other buildings. Concerning the Dead Sea, accept of these few remarks. In the map of the Dead Sea we meet with the figure of the cities which were destroyed: of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim; but with no uniformity; men placing them variously, and from the uncertainty of their situation, taking a fair liberty to set them where they please. For Admah, Zeboim, and Gomorrah, there is no light from the text to define their situation. But, that Sodom could not be far from Segor which was seated under the * Philostrat, in Vita Herodis Attici. mountains near the lake, seems inferrible from the sudden arrival of Lot, who coming from Sodom at day break, attained to Segor at sun rising; and therefore Sodom is to be placed not many miles from it, not in the middle of the lake, which against that place is about eighteen miles over, and so will leave nine miles to be gone in so small a space of time. The valley being large, the lake now in length about seventy English miles, the river Jordan and divers others running over the plain, 'tis probable the best cities were seated upon those streams; but how the Jordan passed or winded, or where it took in the other streams, is a point too old for geography to determine. For, that the river gave the fruitfulness unto this valley by over-watering that low region, seems plain from that expression in the text,* that it was watered, sicut Paradisus et Ægyptus, like Eden and the plains of Mesopotamia, where Euphrates yearly overfloweth; or like Egypt where Nilus doth the like; and seems probable also from the same course of the river not far above this valley where the Israelites passed Jordan, where 't is said that " Jordan overfloweth its banks in the time of harvest." That it must have had some passage under ground in the compass of this valley before the creation of this lake, seems necessary from the great current of Jordan, and from the rivers Arnon, Cedron, Zaeth, which empty into this valley; but where to place that concurrence of waters or place of its absorbition, there is no authentic decision. The probablest place may be set somewhat southward, below the rivers that run into it on the east or western shore: and somewhat agreeable unto the account which Brocardus received from the Saracens which lived near it, Jordanem ingredi mare mortuum et rursum egredi, sed post exiguum intervallum a terra absorberi. Strabo speaks naturally of this lake, that it was first caused by earthquakes, by sulphureous and bituminous eruptions, arising from the earth. But the Scripture makes it plain to have been from a miraculous hand, and by a remarkable ex Gen. xiii, 10. See pression, pluit dominus ignem et sulphur à domino. also Deut. 29, in ardore salis: burning the cities and destroying all things about the plain, destroying the vegetable nature of plants and all living things, salting and making barren the whole soil, and, by these fiery showers, kindling and setting loose the body of the bituminous mines, which shewed their lower veins before but in some few pits and openings, swallowing up the foundation of their cities; opening the bituminous treasures below, and making a smoke like a furnace able to be discerned by Abraham at a good distance from it. If this little may give you satisfaction, I shall be glad, as being, Sir, Yours, &c. 2 But the Scripture, &c.] Dr. Wells arguments. See Geography of the Old supports this opinion at considerable and New Testament, i, 153. length and by a series of very satisfactory TRACT XI. OF THE ANSWERS OF THE ORACLE OF APOLLO AT DELPHOS TO CROESUS KING OF LYDIA. SIR,1 AMONG the oracles of Apollo there are none more celebrated than those which he delivered unto Croesus King of Lydia; † who seems of all princes to have held the greatest dependence on them. But most considerable are his plain and intelligible replies which he made unto the same king, when he sent his chains of captivity unto Delphos, after his overthrow by Cyrus, with sad expostulations why he encouraged. him unto that fatal war by his oracle, saying προλέγουσαι Κροίσῳ, ἣν στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρκήν μιν καταλύσειν, Croesus, if he wars against the Persians, shall dissolve a great empire.‡ Why, at least, he prevented not that sad infelicity of his devoted and bountiful servant, and whether it were fair or honourable See Vul. Err. 1. vii, c. 12. Sir.] The copy of this tract in MS. Sloan. is thrown more into the form of an essay, by the following introductory passage:" Men looked upon ancient oracles as natural, artificial, demoniacal, or all. They conceived something natural of them, as being in places affording exhalations, which were found to operate upon the brains of persons unto raptures, strange utterances, and divinations; which being observed and admired by the people, an advantage was taken thereof; an artificial contrivance made by subtle crafty persons confederating to carry on a practice of divination; pretending some power of divinity therein; but because they sometimes made very strange predictions, and above the power of human reason, men were inclined to believe some demoniacal cooperation, and that some evil spirit Herod. ibid. 54. ruled the whole scene; having so fair an opportunity to delude mankind, and to advance his own worship; and were thought to proceed from the spirit of Apollo or other Heathen deities; so that these oracles were not only apprehended to be natural, human, or artificial, but also demoniacal, according to common opinion, and also of learned men; as Vossius hath declared :-" Constitere quidem oracula fraudibus vatum, sed non solis; solertia humana, sed sæpe etiam diabolica. Cum multa predixerint, ad quæ nulla ratione humana mentis acumen perlegisset in natura humana non est subsistendum, sed assurgendum ad causas superioris naturæ, quales sunt dæmones." According to which sense and opinion we shall enlarge upon this following oracle of Delphos." for the gods of Greece to be ungrateful: which being a plain and open delivery of Delphos, and scarce to be paralleled in any ancient story, it may well deserve your farther consideration. 2 1. His first reply was, that Croesus suffered not for himself; but paid the transgression of his fifth predecessor, who killed his master, and usurped the dignity unto which he had no title. Now whether Croesus suffered upon this account or not, hereby he plainly betrayed his insufficiency to protect him; and also obliquely discovered he had a knowledge of his misfortune; for knowing that wicked act lay yet unpunished, he might well divine some of his successors might smart for it: and also understanding he was like to be the last of that race, he might justly fear and conclude this infelicity upon him. Hereby he also acknowledged the inevitable justice of God; that though revenge lay dormant, it would not always sleep; and consequently confessed the just hand of God punishing unto the third and fourth generation, nor suffering such iniquities to pass for ever unrevenged.3 Hereby he flatteringly encouraged him in the opinion of his own merits, and that he only suffered for other men's transgressions: meanwhile he concealed Croesus his pride, elation of mind and secure conceit of his own unparalleled felicity, together with the vanity, pride, and height of luxury of the Lydian nation, which the spirit of Delphos knew well to be ripe and ready for destruction. 2. A second excuse was, that it is not in the power of God to hinder the decree of fate. A general evasion for any falsified prediction founded upon the common opinion of fate, which impiously subjecteth the power of heaven unto it; widely discovering the folly of such as repair unto him con 2 His first reply.] This is a mistake; the oracle began his answer by alleging the impossibility of avoiding the determination of fate. It was the second observation, that Croesus was expiating the crimes of Gyges, his ancestor in the fifth descent. (Ardys, Sadyattes, and Atyattes, were the intervening descendants.) 3 unrevenged.] In MS. Sloan. occurs here this passage:—“ "The devil, who sees how things of this nature go on in kingdoms, nations, and families, is able to say much on this point; whereas, we, that understand not the reserved judgments of God, or the due time of their executions, are fain to be doubtfully silent." |