THE MEANING OF AMERICA'S ENTRANCE INTO THE WAR

April 12, 1917

THE news that the American Congress had declared war against Germany was received with joy and enthusiasm throughout France and England. The London papers were filled with articles of appreciation and with accounts of the material and moral aid that was about to come to the Allies. It was the general opinion of English statesmen that the entrance of America into the struggle was the most important event of the war. Ex-premier Asquith said that a day had dawned whose sun shall not set until the two great English-speaking democracies can rejoice together, as fellow-workers and fellow-combatants, over the triumph of freedom and of right."

At the American Luncheon Club, on April 12, 1917, a great company of distinguished Americans and Britons gathered to celebrate America's entrance into the war. It was said that no unofficial social event within a generation had brought together more men of prominence than were present on this occasion. After the cloth had been removed and toasts to President Wilson and King George had been drunk with much enthusiasm, Ambassador Page, who was presiding, spoke of the President's recent message to Congress. "From all of the states, from the states of the great Mississippi valley, from the South and from the Pacific they will come as many millions as you need. Wę

come in answer only to the high call of duty and not for any national reward; not for territory, not for indemnity or conquest; not for anything except the high duty to succor democracy when it is desperately assailed."

The reply made by Premier Lloyd-George to the words of Ambassador Page is one of the most important historical documents brought forth by the great struggle for democracy. It is known as LloydGeorge's speech on The Meaning of America's Entrance into the War.

THE MEANING OF AMERICA'S ENTRANCE INTO THE WAR

DAVID LLOYD-GEORGE

I AM in the happy position of being, I think, the first Prime minister of the Crown who, speaking on behalf of the people of this country, can salute the American nation as comrades in arms. I am glad; I am proud. I am glad not merely because of the stupendous resources which this great nation will bring to the succor of the alliance, but I rejoice as a democrat that the advent of the United States into this war gives the final stamp and seal to the character of the conflict as a struggle against military autocracy throughout the world.

This was the note which ran through the great deliverance of President Wilson. It was echoed, Sir, in your resounding words to-day. The United States of America have the noble tradition never broken, of having never engaged in war except for liberty. And this is the greatest struggle for liberty that they have ever embarked upon. I am not at all surprised, when one recalls the

wars of the past, that America took its time to make up its mind about the character of this struggle. In Europe most of the great wars of the past were waged for dynastic aggrandizement and conquest. No wonder when this great war started that there were some elements of suspicion still lurking in the minds of the people of the United States of America. There were those who thought perhaps that Kings were at their old tricks, and although they saw the gallant Republic of France fighting, they— some of them perhaps regarded it as the poor victim of a conspiracy of monarchical swashbucklers.1 The fact

that the United States of America has made up its mind, finally makes it abundantly clear to the world that this is no struggle of that character, but a great fight for human liberty.

They naturally did not know at first what we had endured in Europe for years from this military caste in Prussia. It never has reached the United States of America. Prussia was not a democracy. The Kaiser promises that it will be a democracy after the war. I think he is right. But Prussia not merely was not a democracy. Prussia was not a state; Prussia was an army. It had great industries that had been highly developed; a great educational system; it had its universities; it had developed its science.

All these were subordinate to the one great predominant purpose, the purpose of an all-conquering army which was to intimidate the world. The army was the spear-point of Prussia; the rest was but the gilded haft. That was what we had to deal with in these old countries. It was an army that in recent times had waged three wars, all of conquest, and the unceasing tramp of its legions through the streets of Prussia, on the parade grounds of Prussia, had gone to the Prussian head. The Kaiser, when he witnessed it on a grand scale at his re

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views, got drunk with the sound of it. He delivered the law to the world as if Potsdam were another Sinai, and he was uttering the law from the thunder clouds.

But make no mistake. Europe was uneasy. Europe was half intimidated. Europe was anxious. Europe was apprehensive. We knew the whole time what it meant. What we did not know was the moment it would come.

This is the menace; this is the apprehension from which Europe had suffered for over fifty years. It paralyzed the beneficent activity of all states, which ought to be devoted to concentrating on the well-being of their peoples. They had to think about this menace, which was there constantly as a cloud ready to burst over the land. No one can tell except Frenchmen what they endured from this tyranny, patiently, gallantly, with dignity, till the hour of deliverance came.

I have been asking myself the question, Why did Germany deliberately, in the third year of the war, provoke America to this declaration and to this action-deliberately, resolutely? It has been suggested that the reason was that there were certain elements in American life which they were under the impression would make it impossible for the United States to declare war. That I can hardly believe. But the answer has been afforded by Marshal von Hindenburg himself, in the very remarkable. interview which appeared in the press, I think, only this morning.

He depended clearly on one of two things. First, that the submarine campaign, would have destroyed international shipping to such an extent that England would have been put out of business before America was ready. According to his computation, America can not be ready for twelve months. He does not know America. In the alternative, that when America is ready, at the end of twelve months, with her army, she will have no ships to

transport that army to the field of battle. In von Hindenburg's words, "America carries no weight," I suppose he means she has no ships to carry weight. On that, undoubtedly, they are reckoning.

Well, it is not wise always to assume that even when the German General Staff, which has miscalculated so often, makes a calculation it has no grounds for it. It therefore behooves the whole of the Allies, Great Britain and America in particular, to see that the reckoning of von Hindenburg is as false as the one he made about his famous line, which we have broken already.

The road to victory, the guarantee of victory, the absolute assurance of victory is to be found in one word— ships; and a second word-ships; and a third wordships. And with that quickness of apprehension which characterizes your nation, Mr. Chairman, I see that they fully realize that, and to-day I observe that they have already made arrangements to build one thousand 3,000tonners for the Atlantic. I think that the German military advisers must already begin to realize that this is another of the tragic miscalculations which are going to lead them to disaster and to ruin. But you will pardon me for emphasizing that. We are a slow people in these islands slow and blundering-but we get there. You get there sooner, and that is why I am glad to see you in. But may I say that we have been in this business for three years? We have, as we generally do, tried every blunder. In golfing phraseology, we have got into every bunker. But we have got a good niblick. We are right out on the course. But may I respectfully suggest that it is worth America's while to study our blunders, so as to begin just where we are now and not where we were three years ago? That is an advantage. In war, time has as tragic a significance as it has in sickness. A step which, taken to-day, may lead to assured victory, taken