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I est de six mille francs. Le papier de l'ouvrage, fabriqué exprès par M. Canson, pair de France, se compose de la plus fine batiste de Hollande, et coûte 1000 francs la rame. Enfin, chaque livraison de l'ouvrage reviendra aux souscripteurs à 1400 francs, ce qui met l'exemplaire complet pour vingt livraisons à 28000 francs.Le gouvernement Français a souscrit généreusement pour près d'un million, payable en dix années, et l'auteur de ces lignes, qui sait par expérience ce que coûte la mise au jour de pareils ouvrages, a grandement peur, malgré ce secours, que M. le Comte de Bastard ne soit victime, en définitive, de son zèle pour la science et de son amour pour les arts."

5. The Reviewer contradicts my statement as to the forms of the letters which compose the inscriptions. I maintain its perfect accuracy. The C, G, O, and S, which vary much from the Roman form on the seal of William I. do not appear in the Tapestry-but the A, E, G, H, and M, which vary from the Roman form in the Tapestry, all appear on the seal of Henry de Beaumont, who died Bishop of Bayeux in 1205. The Saxon D, 7, etc. admit of explanation. The Saxons, generally, were artists in Tapestry; and it is probable that some of the Saxons Bayeusains were employed by the Chapter-who were enjoined, by various councils, to provide the church with the requisite ornaments.12 The abbreviations, be it added, are such as would have occurred to ecclesiastics, viz. EPS. [Epis: copus], S'C'I PETRI APLI. [Sancti Petri Apostoli].

Of the connexion between the subject of the Tapestry and the time of its exhibition, viz. the Jour des Reliques, our antiquaries furnish no elucidation. I have already pointed out that Odon, who is conspicuous on the monument, had presented the church with some very valuable reliquaries; and that Robert des Ableges, in whose time I conjecture it to have been devised, was a martial prelate. I must add that Pierre des Ableges, a relative of the prelate, was the Treasurer or

Keeper of the Relics; 13 and that another Odon was the Dean, 14 whose office required him to officiate solemnly but once in the year-on the Jour des Reliques! 15

which occurs in this section, should The couplet of the trouvère Renaut, have been thus printed :

"Franchois, Poitevin et Breton L'apielent le Lay del Prison." Benoît de Sainte-More shall close the paragraph with a passage of similar import :

"A saint Galeri sunt jostées

Totes les genz qu'il out mandées, Normanz, Flamens, Franceis, Bretons E autres genz de plusors nons." The Reviewer considers that the minute information which the Tapestry conveys, is a proof of its coeval execution. This I cannot admit.Numberless writings and other monuments unknown to the present race, might have existed in the early part of light of tradition. the thirteenth century-besides the To have availed

themselves of such means of informa

tion, could have been no forgery. The Abbé Lebeuf, in his analysis of the poetical epistle of Rodulphus Torcathedral church of Bayeux in the tarius, who visited and described the twelfth century, remarks: "cette lettre nous apprend que les peintures étoient No church was more likely to contain fort communes alors dans les églises."16 paintings relating to the Conquest than that of Bayeux-and it is very possible that such paintings may have been the prototypes of the scenes represented by the Tapestry.

It may be instructive to compare the rather bold assertions of the Reviewer as to the costume of the monument, and the practice of ancient artists, with the opposite opinions of other antiquaries. I transcribe, with this object, three short passages : .

"La Tapisserie n'offre aucun caractère intrinsèque ni extrinsèque qui appartienne

11 Translation of the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf, 1837, small 8vo. p. 41.

12 Hermant, Hist. de Bayeux, p. 236.

13 Gallia Christiana, XI. col. 399. E. Beziers, Hist. de Bayeux, p. 71.

14 Gallia Christiana, X1. col. 399. D.

15 Beziers, Hist. de Bayeux, p. 68.

16 Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, xxi. 514.

exclusivement à l'onzième siècle."-De la Rue.17

"Nous inclinerions...à penser qu'il [le monument] ne remonte qu'au treizième siècle: il ne nous paroit offrir aucun caractère, aucun détail qui oblige de le reporter à un siècle antérieur.”.

"I am inclined to think from the similarity in the designs of the same sacred subjects in the different MSS. that the monks copied from standard drawings, with which they may have been originally supplied by the Greek school."-John Gage.19

Amidst so much discrepancy of opinion, it is gratifying to observe instances of curiously exact conformity. I shall produce one specimen-resigning the merit of this conformity entirely to the Reviewer.

"Emma, daughter of Richard I. of Normandy, and mother of Edward the Confessor, is sometimes called by the Saxon annalists, Elfgiva Emma. Elfgiva, therefore, whatever Florence of Worcester may assert, seems to have been an appellation of honor-a point which I sub.

mit to our Saxonists."-C.

"Elfgyva ;-what does this term, taken as a distinctive appellation, imply? Elfgyva Emma occurs in the Saxon Chronicle. In the absence of any satisfactory conjecture, we refer it to our Saxon literati."- The Reviewer.


The latter paragraph affords me a double gratification: it gratifies me by its conformity with that which precedes-and because it invites me to sport a new conjecture. Florence of Worcester, as cited by Ingram, saith: 'Emmam, Saxonice Alfgivam vocatam, ducis Normannorum primi Ricardi filiam, rex Ætheredus duxit uxorem." 20 Simeon of Durham," and Ralph de Diceto,22 repeat this statement verbatim. Can Florence mean that Elfgiva is equivalent to Emma? Let us hear, since fortune so far favours us, the lady herself: "Ego Elfgyva

17 Réck erches, &c. p. 92.

18 Journal des Savans, 1826, p. 698.


Ymma regina concedo," &c. I conceive that Elfgiva was a Norman title of honor-to which Emma might retain an attachment. The Saxon annalists, when they announce her arrival in England, call her the lady Elfgiva Emma-but the true text is here very uncertain. As successively the wife of Ethelred, and of Canute, they call her the lady Emma, 25 or the Lady 26-a title bestowed on the Queen.27 After the demise of Canute, the term Elfgiva re-appears.28 Such is the basis of my conjecture. I may state, in further evidence, that the anonymous author of the Encomium Emma, has the unusual phrase "Domina Regina Emma;" and I conceive that a certain hemistich of Mestre Wace adds to the plausibility of my interpretation. Speaking of Emma, the wife of Richard I. of Normandy,



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19 The Benedictional of St. Æthelwold, 1832, fol. p. 42.

20 The Saxon Chronicle, by Ingram, 1823, 4to. p. 175, note.

21 X Scriptores, 1652, fol. col. 164. 58.

22 Ibid. col. 461.50.

23 Ibid. col. 2222. 13. Is the date correct?

21 Saxon Chronicle, 1823, 4to. p. 175. The text of Gibson, as translated by Miss

Anna Gurney, is more in favour of my conjecture.

25 Ibid. p. 204.

27 Ibid. p. 191, note.

29 Roman de Rou, i. 275.

26 Ibid. pp. 176, 191.

28 Ibid. pp. 207, 210.

30 Remaines, 1614, 4to. p. 96.

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The seal is undoubtedly, as marked in Collectanea, that of a private individual (John Godayn), who assumed the head of St. John for his device by a natural reference to his own Christian name. The individual was an ecclesiastic, as appears by the contracted word CAN', i. e. CANONICI, the terms Canonicus and Clericus being often used indiscriminately for a clerk or secular priest, of which Du Cange has given many examples. The only doubtful word in the legend is the final one, which (on close examination of the matrix) admits of being read either THIE RN', or THEE RN', or possibly THIERR'. Now, it appears that there was a Benedictine Monastery on the Vesle,

about three miles north from Rheims, dedicated to St. Theoderic, or, as it was expressed in French St. Thierrii; (see Gallia Christiana, ix. 180). Lying upon the great road, the regular clergy were dispersed by the ravages of war, and for a long period up to about the 11th century their place was supplied by six secular priests called the "Canons of Thierri," or Clerks of St. Theoderic." When the monks were re-established, it is not improbable that some Canons still continued to make that place their abode. I conjecture, therefore, that the seal in question was that of one of those ecclesiastics, and

that the legend is to be translated,


If this appear improbable, the seal may have been that of one of the priests of the Church of Chateau Thierri, on the Marne, at no great distance from the Monastery just mentioned.

Or, if the reading, THIE RN, be preferred, the seal may have belonged to a priest of the parish of Thierny, a village about one league and a quarter from Laon, in the department of Aisne and community of Presles. Yours, &c. G. C. G.



Middle-Age Geography-Sir John Maundevile's Travels.*


VERY little comparatively has been done hitherto towards investigating the history of science during the Middle Ages. We little think how many of what we believe to be modern inventions, took their rise during this remote period. And yet our ignorance in this respect does not arise from want of materials to illustrate the subject; for our libraries are filled with documents, in exploring which every step we make is attended with some interesting discovery. would have believed a few years ago, that the mariner's compass was in common use as early as the twelfth century?-yet documents recently discovered leave no room for doubt upon this subject. Few branches of science present, during this period of their history, so many points of interest as that of Geographical Discovery.

The first period of Middle-Age Geography, which preceded the introduction of the Arabian learning among the Christians of the West, is perhaps the least interesting. Science was then founded chiefty upon the bare outline afforded

* The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile, Kt. which treateth of the Way to Hierusalem; and of Marvayles of Inde, with other Ilands and Countryes. Reprinted from the edition of A. D. 1725. With an introduction, additional notes, and glossary, by J. O. Halliwell, Esq. F.S.A., F.R.A.S. London, Lumley, 8vo. 1839.

by a few meagre treatises of the later Roman writers. This outline was filled up with much fabulous matter, spread abroad in Cosmographies, and in such tracts as Alexander's Letter on the Wonders of the East. Yet even in the midst of fables truth sometimes showed itself; and this truth was constantly increased by the discoveries made by adventurous people, who were frequently led by business, curiosity, or piety, not only to travel to the north, as well as to the south and west, but to expose themselves from time to time to the dangers of the western ocean, whence some returned to greet the ears of their countrymen with marvellous stories. There can be little doubt that, during the whole of the Middle Ages, for many centuries before the time of Columbus, the inhabitants of Western Europe had an indistinct consciousness of the existence of America, arising perhaps out of the combined traditions of the discoveries of these bold adventurers.

During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, many circumstances joined their influence in giving an impulse to geographical adventure, and in extending the knowledge which had previously existed. The information which the Arabians had had the means of collecting filled up many parts of the bare outline of Asia and Africa which our forefathers had previously possessed. The invasions of the Tartars led to the embassies of men like Rubruquis and Plan-de-Carpin, who obtained from this extraordinary people information respecting countries into which the Saracens themselves had not penetrated. But while geography was reaping these advantages, it had also to suffer from various drawbacks. The indistinct notions of that distant land in the west, which was separated from mankind by the unexplored ocean, had been woven into the legendary narrative of the voyage of St. Brandon, which long exercised a wonderful influence over men's minds, and even the Spanish voyagers of a much later period thought that they were going to Paradise. Many other monkish legends were engrafted upon science; and new works on " Cosmography" did not obtain credit, unless they had first been collated with the old established doctrines, and their agreement with them testified by the Court of Rome.

Such was the state of geographical science at the time when Sir John Maundevile made his famous journey to the east, in the earlier part of the fourteenth century. Scarcely anything was known of the interior of Africa. The Crusades had made the people of the west well acquainted with Syria and Egypt. Their intercourse with the Saracens and with the Tartars had been the means of procuring extensive information relating to the interior and more distant parts of Asia, which were, however, still believed to be extensively inhabited by the monsters that had been described by Pliny and Solinus. But the older traditions of the existence of new lands in the west, had been almost lost among the monkish fables with which they were obscured.

No book ever enjoyed a greater popularity than the "Voiage and Travaile" of Sir John Maundevile, as is proved by the numerous manuscripts which yet remain, and by the almost innumerable early editions in all the European languages. The author published his own book in three different tongues, Latin, French, and English. He was possessed, as appears by his own work, of the qualifications most likely to attract the attention of his contemporaries. He was curious, and fond of the marvellous; and we cannot deny him the character of being a bold adventurer. A hundred different incidents show that he had made the voyage which he describes. But he was also exceedingly credulous; and it is impossible to rescue him from the reproach of having frequently "drawn a long bow." Yet even in so doing he has often rendered a service to historical science, and has given us many facts which aid us in investigating the curious question of the transmission and formation of middle-age fiction. All these things being considered, we know few old books so acceptable to us as the Voyage of Sir John Mandevile, and right heartily did we rejoice at the prospect of a new edition, particularly in so cheap and portable a form as the one before us.

However, although it is on the whole acceptable, there are many things in this edition of which we disapprove strongly. The text is a mere reprint of the edition of 1725, made from a MS. which is now in the British Museum.

We have not the slightest confidence in the philological accuracy of the text of such a book printed at that period, and a very hasty glance is sufficient to show us many errors. Neither do we see the necessity of making a fac-simile of that edition, of giving even the typographical peculiarities of that period, when the original manuscript is so near at hand and so easy of access. Again, we cannot condemn too strongly the taste of the publisher in giving fac-similes of the coarse ugly wood-cuts of the early printed editions, which were but distorted imitations of the earlier illuminations of the manuscripts, when with as little expense he might have given us some elegant fac-similes of these latter, such for instance as the wood-cut in his title. Even the materials in the preface of the old edition would have been much better embodied in the introduction to the new one. However, although we think it our duty to point out these defects, it is by no means our intention to quarrel with the book, which we think will be a valuable acquisition to the general reader; and it is much enriched by the detailed list of manuscripts, and editions, given in Mr. Halliwell's introduction; as well as by that gentleman's supplementary notes and glossary. The publisher would have done well to put the whole care of editing into his hands.

The principal object of Mandevile's pilgrimages, as was the case with most travellers of his time, was Jerusalem and the surrounding regions, "that men callen the Lond of Promyssioun or of Beheste." In his road thither he visited Constantinople and various other places; and after he had performed his devotions on the spot where Christ lived and suffered, his curiosity led him to explore more distant regions. If what he tells us be to be relied upon, of which we are not very sure in all cases, he served in the army both of the Sultan, and of the Tartar Chieftain; and speaking of the former, he assures us that 'he wolde have maryed me fulle highely, to a gret princes daughtre, zif I wolde han forsaken my lawe and my beleve; but I thanke God, I had no wille to don it, for no thing that he behighten me." He must therefore have had great opportunities of making observations. There is scarcely any part of his book more curious than that in which he gives his own opinion of the form of the earth, and the positions of different countries, and states his reasons for it.



"The Erthe and the See," he says, among other observations, "ben of round forme and schapp, as I have seyd beforn. And that that men gon upward to o cost, men gon dounward to another cost. ye have herd me seye that Jerusalem is in the myddes of the world; and that may men preven and schewen there, be a spere, that is pighte in to the erthe, upon the hour of myd-day, whan it is equenoxium, that schewethe no schadwe on no syde. And that it scholde ben in the myddes of the world, David wytnessethe in the Psautre, where he seythe, Deus operatus est salutem in medio terræ. Thanne thei that parten fro the parties of the west, for to go toward Jerusalem, als many jorneyes as thei gon upward for to go thidre, in als many jorneyes may thei gon fro Jerusalem, unto other confynes of the superficialtie of the erthe beyonde. And whan men gon beyonde tho journeyes, toward Ynde and to the foreyn yles, alle is envyronynge the roundnesse of the erthe and of the see, undre oure contrees on this half. And therfore hath it befallen many tymes of o thing that I have herd cownted whan I was yong; how a worthi man departed somtyme from oure contrees, for to go

serche the world, and so he passed Ynde, and the yles beyonde Ynde, where ben mo than 5000 yles; and so longe he wente be see and lond, and so envyround the world be many seysons, that he fond an yle where he herde spake his owne langage, callynge on oxen in the plowghe, such wordes as men speken to bestes in his owne contree; whereof he hadde gret mervayle, for he knewe not how it myghte be. But I seye, that he had gon so longe be londe and be see, that he had envyround alle the erthe, that he was comen agen envirounynge, that is to seye, goynge aboute, unto his owne marches, gif he wolde have passed forthe, til he had founden his contree and his owne knouleche. But he turned agen from thens from whens he was come fro; and so he loste moche peynefulle labour, as himself seyde, a gret while aftre that he was comen hom. For it befelle aftre, that he wente in to Norweye; and there tempest of the see toke him; and he aryved in an yle; and whan he was in that yle, he knew wel that it was the yle where he had herd speke his owne langage before, and the callynge of the oxen at the plowghe: and that was possible thinge. But howe it semethe to symple men unlerned, that men ne mowe

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