to think they have not enough, but by cramping the hand that holds the balance, and by impeachments or diffentions with the nobles, endeavour ftill for more; I cannot poffibly fee in the common course of things, how the fame causes can produce different effects and confequences among us, from what they did in Greece and Rome,

THE

HOEVER hath examined the con

W duct and proceedings of both parties

for fome years paft, whether in or out of power, cannot well conceive it poffible to go far towards the extremes of either, without offering fome violence to his integrity or understanding. A wife and good man may indeed be fometimes induced to comply with a

F

num

This appears to be an apology for the Tories, and a juftification of them against the mifreprefentations of the Whigs, who were then in the miniftry, and ufed every artifice to perpetuate their power. Mr. Harley, afterwards lord Oxford, had by the influence of the duke of Marlborough and lord-treasurer Godolphin, been lately removed from his poft of principal fecretary of state; and Mr. St. John, afterwards lord Bolingbroke, refigned his place of fecreta. ry at war, and fir Simon Harcourt that of attorneygeneral.

But

number, whofe opinion he generally approves, though it be perhaps against his own. this liberty fhould be made ufe of upon very few occafions, and thofe of fmall importance, and then only with a view of bringing over his own fide another time to fomething of greater and more public moment. But to facrifice the innocency of a friend, the good of ous country, or our own confcience, to the humour, or paffion, or intereft of a party, plainby fhews, that either our heads or our hearts are pot as they fhould be; yet this very practice is the very fundamental law of each faction among us, as may be obvious to any, who will impartially and without engagement be at the pains to examine their actions, which however is not fo eafy a tak: for it seems a principle in human nature, to incline one way more than another, even in matters where we are wholly unconcerned. And it is a common obfervation, that in reading a history of Facts done a thousand years ago, or standing by at play among thofe, who are perfect ftrangers to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wishes engaged on a fudden in favour of one fide more than another. No wonder them that we are all fo ready to intereft ourselves in the courfe of public affairs, where the most inconfiderable have fome real thare, and, by the wonderful importance which every man is of to himfelf, a very great imaginary one.

And indeed, when the two parties, that divide the whole commonwealth, come once to a rupture, without any hopes left of forming

ing a third with better principles to balance the others, it seems every man's duty to chufe one of the two fides, though he cannot intirely approve of either; and all pretences to neutrality are justly exploded by both, being too ftale and obvious, only intending the fafety and eafe of a few individuals, while the public is embroiled. This was the opinion and practice of the latter Cato, whom I elteem to have been the wifeft and beft of all the Romans*. But, before things proceed to open violence, the trueft fervice a private man may hope to do his country, is by unbiaffing bis mind as much as poffible, and then endeavouring to moderate between the rival powers, which muft needs be owned a fair proceeding with the world, because it is of all others the leaft confiftent with the common defign of making a fortune by the merit of an opinion.

I have gone as far as I am able in qualify. ing myself to be fuch a moderator: I believe I am no bigot in religion, and I am fure I am none in government. converse in full free dom with many confiderable men of both parties; and, if not in equal number, it is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be near the court, and to have made acquaint ance there, more under one ministry than another. Then, I am not under the neceffity of declaring myself by the profpect of an employ

One of the fextumvirate in Gulliver, Part III, Chap. VII.

ment. And lastly, if all this be not sufficient, I industriously conceal my name, which wholly exempts me from any hopes and fears in delivering my opinion.

In confequence of this free use of my reafon, I cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either party, as they would endeavour to perfuade the world of each other, and of themfelves. For inftance; I do not charge it upon the body of the whigs or the tories, that their feveral principles lead them to introduce prefbytery, and the religion of the church of Rome, or a commonwealth, and arbitrary power. For why fhould any party be accufed of a principle, which they folemnly dif own and protest against? But, to this they have a mutual anfwer ready: they both af fire us, that their adverfaries are not to be believed; that they difown their principles out of fear, which are manifest enough, when we examine their practices. To prove this they will produce inftances, on one fide, either of avowed prefbyterians, or perfons of libertine and atheistical tenets, and on the other of profeffed papifts, or fuch as are openly in the intereft of the abdicated family. Now it is very natural for all fubordinate fects and denominations in a state to fide with

fome general party, and to chufe that, which they find to agree with themselves in fome general principle. Thus at the restoration the prefbyterians, anabaptifts, independents, and other fects, did all, with very good reafon, unite and folder up their feveral schemes to