be sent; but the king said that there was no occasion to be so precipitate. The counter orders were, therefore, delayed eighteen hours after the courier who had been sent with orders for the embargo. But the king, in order to conceal his design even from his ministers, had not required a proper pass for the first courier, who was thus delayed upon his journey, while the other who followed him travelled with the utmost diligence. The embargo, therefore, only lasted five hours." Note, p. 169, 170.

When every thing else was going wrong, it is to be supposed that the finances could not continue in a very flourishing state. Their situation was, in fact, as bad as possible. The ministers were afraid to explain the extent of the evil to him, because "his opinion of the inexhaustible resources of his country, and pretensions of unlimited sacrifices from his people, made it be apprehended, that, were other means to fail, he would take some desperate step, either against the bank, or the property of individuals." However, in spite of all this care, he took to banking, and proposed a scheme of "circulation by means of tokens." Having referred his plan to a " committee of finance," (for they had this among their other blessings), the honourable members were pleased to disapprove of it; and the king, being enraged at them, and angry at the difficulties of the times, immediately, dissolved them. A new committee was named; and they having begun their labours (as such bodies are in a very delicate practice of doing) with statements of distress, arrears, difficulties, &c., the king reprimanded them for so consuming their time, and desired they would set about discovering new funds. Without pursuing further these sickening details, we shall extract the summary given in the work before us, of what immediately preceded the revolution to which they led. It seems that great pains had been taken to keep the people in the dark, as to the real state of the country, and the measures and conduct of the rulers. But the events soon opened their eyes.

"Affection for their king is as natural to the Swedes as hatred to an aristocracy: and the personal misconduct of the king was generally ascribed to the incapacity of his ministers. The great political mistakes of Gustavus Adolphus were little known to the Swedish public: all the sources of information were stopped. The importation of foreign books and journals was in general prohibited: those which were permitted to enter the country were severely censured: and the liberty of the press was entirely annihilated, Through these and other means, public opinion was still in favour of the king. Even the losses sustained in the commencement of the war, far from disheartening, rather fired the courage, and roused the resentment of the people; and the consequences of this animation were soon evident in the successes of the army.

"But towards the autumn of 1808, the opinions of men began to change. During the summer, all the energies of the country were called forth and excited to the utmost; and then allowed either to remain inactive, or were employed in the most injudicious enterprises. It now became evident that the personal hatred of Gustavus Adolphus to the French emperor was the only cause of the war; and there was little reason to hope the termination either of the cause or of the effect. The soldiers began to dislike and despise a king who expected from them impossibilities, while he declined to share the toils and dangers which he imposed. Some acts of injustice irritated individuals; and the treatment of the new levies excited the resentment and compassion of the people at large. Many patriotic men expressed their conviction that the time was now come when a revolution was absolutely necessary to save their country; but they suffered themselves to be persuaded that the attempt would yet be premature. It was hoped that the loss of Finland would abate the king's ardour for war-that he would himself be convinced of his error, and at last permit his dismembered country to enjoy a necessary repose. But such hopes were without foundation; preparations were made for another campaign, and the most absurd plans of operation were proposed. The most alarming reports of the intended partition of Sweden began to prevail, but made no alteration in the king's conduct. The imminent danger exalted in every man's bosom the love of his country; and it now became the duty of every good subject to endeavour to save what yet remained of the ancient independence of Sweden, and to withdraw allegiance from a king who despised the welfare of his people." P. 201-203.

The revolution was brought about by a coöperation of many persons in Stockholm, united to save their country from this inevitable destruction-and of the western army. Measures for effecting it had been for some time in agitation; and they were known to so many persons in the capital as to be the common topic of conversation. Yet so universally deserted was the unhappy king, that no one ever thought of giving him notice of these singular proceedings. When a prince has justly offended his country-when the bulk of his people are ready to throw off their allegiance in self-defence-he is apt vainly to look towards his army, and to expect security from its disciplined fidelity. A confidence in its protection is also but too frequently one of the flattering visions which dance before his eyes, and beguile him to his ruin, while the danger is yet at a distance. But the history of the world presents us with no instance of a native army justifying such calculations, or forming an exception to the feelings and conduct of their countrymen at large. The first hint that Gustavus received of the revolution was the arrival of a courier to announce that the western army had broken up

6

and shall be punished!' The baron answered, calmly, we are no traitors, but wish to save your majesty, and our country.' The king immediately drew his sword, and the baron rushed upon him, and seized him round the waist, while Colonel Silfversparre took the sword from his majesty. The king then vociferated, they are going to murder me, help! help!'-They endeavoured to reassure the king; and he promised to be more composed if they would return his sword-a request which they endeavoured to evade; and when the king obstinately insisted upon it, he was told that in this respect he could not be gratified, nor permitted any more to interfere in the management of the kingdom.

"His majesty's outcries had alarmed some of the body-guard, who had just arrived, and servants of the palace, who endeavoured to force open the door, but not being able to succeed, they broke the upper panel with pokers and their sabres. At this moment, Baron Adlercreutz commanded the door to be opened, and rushed into the middle of the crowd-seized a sabre from a hussarsnatched from the adjutant-general his staff of office, and holding it up before him, said that he now considered himself as adjutantgeneral, and in that capacity commanded the guards immediately to retire. After some hesitation this command was obeyed; and several officers who were not in the conspiracy were put under arrest." P. 215–221.

The guards assembled in considerable numbers; and there was a moment when their conduct in this crisis seemed doubtful. The baron addressed them, and urged every thing that could be devised, to gain their concurrence, or at least prevail on them to be passive spectators of the scene. But they remained undetermined-and the utmost that he could obtain was a promise of remaining quiet. If they did nothing to favour the revolution, they certainly did nothing to prevent it—and the citizens of Stockholm themselves mounted guard at the bank, and provided for the security of the town, and preservation of peace. In the mean time the king contrived to escape from the room where he was confined.

"When the king's escape was discovered, the greatest confusion and dismay prevailed among the authors of the revolution; and the most terrible consequences were apprehended. Every,stair was crowded with people descending to the court of the palace to endeavour to intercept his majesty's flight. Greiff, keeper of the king's game, had precipitately descended the great stair, was the first who reached the court, and perceived the king with his sword in his hand, making towards the only gate which had been left open. As soon as Greiff overtook him, the king made a violent push at him; but with so tremulous and unsteady an aim, that the sword passed up the sleeve of Greiff's coat, only slightly wounding him. His sword being thus entangled, his breath gone, and his

strength exhausted, the king was easily overpowered. Many had now come to Greiff's assistance; and the king, either unwilling to walk or unable to support himself, was carried up stairs, and, by his own desire, taken into the white room. He was there set down upon the chair nearest the door, and exactly opposite to the portrait of the late unfortunate Queen of France, Marie Antoinette. The king, exhausted with his exertions, and disordered with indignation and disappointment, remained quiet the whole day." P. 223

-225.

So little disposition did the people whom he had misgoverned testify in his behalf, even under circumstances of affliction, which were wont to appease resentment, and to excite pity towards our oppressors themselves, that "not the slightest displeasure was shown, and the play was attended by an unusual number of spectators."-The king was removed to another palace in the night. He there quietly signed an instrument of abdication, drawn up, it is said, by himself. Liberal provisions were made for him and his family.-They were safely conducted to a foreign country: and they now reside, it is said, in Switzerland, to the infinite relief of Sweden, and to the remarkable confutation of the ancient saying, that there is but a short step from the prison to the grave of him who has lost a crown.

We cannot close this subject without adverting to a charge which we doubt not will be brought against us by the creatures of the court. It will be said that we have dealt rudely with fallen majesty-and have not been disarmed, as we ought to have been, by the present unhappy state of the subject of this narrative. Why have we gone through our task without betraying any such emotions? Not surely because we felt less for the exiled monarch than those who would now insult him with their canting pity-but because we felt more for the people whom his misrule had for so many years afflicted. Let others confine their lamentations to the guilty-and forget, in a sort of animal sensibility, excited by the punishment, the more rational feeling of satisfaction at the performance of substantial justice. They whose pity lies in the right place will reserve it for the thousands whom his pernicious career has sacrificed to want and wounds, and misery;-and, without shutting their ears to what may be urged in favour of the man, now that he is disarmed of his sceptre, they will rejoice that an instrument of such mischievous power in its abuse has been torn, or rather gently taken, from hands incapable of holding it harmless.

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A Letter to the Right Hon. Lord Castlereagh, &c. &c., on the North American Export Trade during the War, &c. By Charles Lyne, 8vo. p. 46.

Letters addressed to the Right Hon. the Earl of Clancarty, President of the Board of Trade, on the inexpediency of permitting the importation of Cotton Wool, from the United States of America, during the present War. By John Gladstone, of Liverpool, 8vo. p. 35.

[From the Literary Panorama, for May, 1813.]

THE war, proclaimed by America against Britain, raises several important questions of policy; some of which are rather novel in their nature or application. A country that depends on the flourishing state of its manufactures for the support of its strength, must always be, to a certain degree, in the power of that people which furnishes the raw material of whatever fabric gives most employment to its population. To add to the present intricacy, the same country which furnishes the raw material has also been in the habit of purchasing great quantities of the manufactured goods. The cessation of intercourse with it, therefore, acts two ways: first, by depriving workmen of their accustomed supply, to reduce them to idleness and poverty; secondly, by inducing the grower to become also the manufacturer, whereby his wants being supplied, he will not renew that demand which formerly was found mutually beneficial. This is the present case between Britain and America, in respect to the finer kinds of cotton; and under these circumstances it becomes Britain to look around to every quarter from whence she can obtain a supply adequate to the purposes of that she formerly drew from America. The erection of manufactories competent to the supply of the Americans, an increasing people, may be viewed as a more remote danger; the cessation of the import of raw cotton from that country is instant. It is scarcely possible that the public, though aware of the importance of the subject, should be fully apprized of the different bearings of this inquiry, and, therefore, the information that practical men, alone, are capable of furnishing is peculiarly acceptable. From them we may at least expect to learn the actual state of things.

For instance, says Mr. Gladstone,

"The cultivation of cotton in the United States has been nourished and extended by the demand from this country. Of late years, on an average, full two fifths of the quantity consumed in our mills has been received from thence, consisting of about six