always approve but truth and juftice will fometimes forbid it; and, regardless of confequences, we dare, even in these perilous times, to be just and true to our duty.

In an appendix, Mr. S. afferts, in oppofition to the principle of Mr. Fox's libel bill, that juries have nothing to do with the law of the queftion to be decided, their province being folely to find the fact We hope, and we believe, that few men in England will agree with him in this opinion.

Art. 19. The Profpect before us! or the State of France in Auguft, 1794, in Reply to Montgaillard's State of France: to which are added Reflections on the Expedience and Neceffity of an immediate Peace. By Horatius Publicola. 8vo. pp. 124. 2s. 6d. Eaton. This author is in fome parts very fuccefsful in his reply to M. de Montgaillard, but in others deficient. In one refpect the two gentlemen may be faid to be extremely well matched, for they both deal much in affertions, which reft folely on their own authority: but, in the inftance before us, we have not the fanction of any name. It is of little confequence whether to a work purely argumentative a real or a fictitious name be prefixed, because the value of an argument depends on its own intrinfic merit: but the cafe is different when the force of the argument refts wholly on ftatements of what are given for facts. Perfonal refponfibility is then the fine quá, non.

Our author fays that the councils of our government have been miled by a fet of men, (meaning the emigrants,) who at Coblentz and at Pilnitz, plotted the difafters and misfortunes of their own country, and of Europe in general.' If we might judge from the treatment experienced by the emigrants, they had very little influence in determining the powers of Europe to declare war against France. Thefe men were every where treated with an indifference bordering on contempt; and, when they joined the Auftrians and Pruffians in the invafion of France, they were obliged to form in a detached body, to encamp at a distance from the main army, and, we believe, were not employed once in the whole campaign in any actual fervice. From this mortification, even the prefence of seven princes of the blood royal, two of whom were brothers and two nephews to the king, could not fave them. Had the emigrants been the foul of the enterprize, their treatment would furely have been different: that it was fuch as we have reprefented it, all the accounts publifhed through Europe, at the period to which we refer, moft ftrongly atteft. That the emigrants had no hand in the fuppofed treaty of Pilnitz is vouched by other writers; who, in endeavouring to prove the existence of such a treaty, have afferted that thefe exiles withdrew themfelves from the armies of the allies, as foon as they found that the object of the confederacy was the difmemberment of France; and they are highly praised by fome of our political writers, who are enemies to the war, for having thought it more honourable to fit down with the lofs of their eftates, than to recover them by co-operating with powers who aimed at the ruin of their country. Thus differently are the fame men reprefented by authors writing on the fame fide of the question.

M. de Montgaillard has earnestly intreated England, above all things, to land a French army in France: but our author condemns

the

the meafure as rash and imprudent: his reafons, we must confefs, do not strike us as being very forcible. He fays, the French coat is formidably guarded. Be it fo; ftill, the longer a chain of posts is lengthened, the lefs difficult it must be to make an impreffion on them; the line from the Loire to the Bayonne being of an immenfe extent, an invader, who is mafter of the fea, might chufe his own point for landing, and thus be enabled to make a powerful diverfion; whereas, facing the immenfe army of France collected in Holland, and on the banks of the Rhine, would at best be taking the bull by the horns. Indeed, while our author is combating the idea of a descent on the coaft of France, he states reafons which, though urged for quite a different purpose, might well be advanced in fupport of the meafure that he oppofes; for he makes this remark; after drawing together fresh forces, the allies must lead them through foreign terri tories, at a vast expence, and first drive the enemy from thofe places which they conquered, and then march through their own poffeffions, which they would find reduced to a defert by a retreating foe, and drained of all refources before they could ever approach the frontiers of that formidable enemy.' To this he might have added that it would be lefs fatiguing to troops to fend them, by fea, to a place where they might have a profpect of gaining a footing with comparatively little difficulty, than to march them from Hungary, Tranfylvania, Sclavonia, or Croatia, from the banks of the Danube to thofe of the Rhine. It was in Africa that Scipio faved Italy; it was by attacking Carthage at home that he put an end to the career of victories pursued by Hannibal for fixteen years in the heart of Italy; it was by the bold enterprize of a defcent on the territory of Carthage, that he forced the Carthaginians to recall, for their own defence, that very army which had made Rome tremble for her fafety; and thus he made them abandon, in one moment, the fruits of many of the most splendid victories which the world had ever seen.

There appears in our author too much of a party spirit for a man who has any pretenfions to powers of reafoning; for he not only afferts what he can make good by argument, but also that which not only is not demonftrated, but is even in oppofition to probability. It is true that he reprefents fairly when he defcribes the allies as in a most deplorable condition, in want both of money and men, and as unable, at prefent, to make head against a victorious enemy every where preffing on their rear: but he does not reprefent fairly when he fays the French nation confifts of twenty-eight millions of people: before the revolution, and before this depopulating war, it was faid that there were in France no more than 24 millions of inhabitants though fome have fince carried the population to 26 millions.

Having argued ftrenuously, and we muft confefs, in fome inftances, powerfully and fuccefsfully, in favour of the opinion that peace is neceffary to us, the author fays that it may be obtained on the following conditions:

I. By the removal of your Minifters.

II. By renouncing your Continental alliances.

III. By acknowledging the liberty and independence of the French Rç

public.

IV. By concluding a treaty of commerce and alliance with America, Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland.

V. By requesting thofe Powers to interpofe their good offices between this nation and France, to obtain a lafting peace and a commercial treaty." We wish moft fincerely that our author could infure us peace on thofe terms; which, though they might have the appearance of making us break faith with our allies, would have the appearance only of fuch a breach, if it be true that our allies are, as they are reprefented to be, incapable of fulfilling their engagements to us. We fear that he is too fanguine in his hopes; and that a victorious enemy will infiit on a reftitution of every inch of territory taken by us during the war. Whether our fituation be fuch as would make it defirable for us to give fuch a price for peace, is a queftion which it does not belong to reviewers to anfwer. We will only farther remark that, though this performance manifefts that the author poffeffes abilities, and writes in an easy style, it fhews not lefs clearly that he is by no means equal to a literary contest with the Comte de Montgaillard. Art. 20. Plan of Internal Defence, as propofed by Sir John Dalrymple, Baronet, to a Meeting of the County of Edinburgh, on the 12th November, 1794 8vo. 6d. Stockdale.

This valuable and important, though fmail, pamphlet should be purchafed and diftributed by all the political focieties in Great Britain. Meanwhile, it becomes our minifters to reflect that the perilous fituation of Holland has resulted from the steady refufal of its government to bestow on the numerous claffes of the people a share in the nomination of its rulers. If univerfal fuffrage (which, by means of an intermediate body of electors, can be conciliated with the defirable afcendancy of property and of information,) be the donative, by means of which alone the zealous repulfion of a foreign foe can be purchased of the multitude, it must be conferred. The independency of Britain is a confideration to which most others are to be facrificed. For our FIRE-SIDES all should have a motive to fight.

Art. 21. The London Militia A&t confidered; being an Abstract of the Bill, with Notes on the feveral Claufes; to which are added, an authentic Account of its Progrefs through the Common Council and House of Commons, and Remarks on Mr. Dean's Letter. 8vo. 6d. Symonds. 1794.

This author confiders the act as an innovation on the charter of London, and as tending, in a very alarming degree, to fubvert all the juftly boafted rights, privileges, and liberties of this ancient, renowned, and flourishing metropolis.' The pamphlet is well-written and the reafoning which it contains, in fupport of a petition for a repeal of the act, appears very powerful.

Art. 22. The Citizen, being the great Outline of Political Science, and a Defence of the British Conflitution, from the Writings of Montefquieu, Blacktone, Hume, Paley, Gibbon, &c. &c. 8vo, pp. 136. 35. fewed. Robinsons. 1794.

We learn, from the author's preliminary addrefs to the people of England, that the profits arising from the fale of this publication, and of others which are to follow it, are to go to the fund for the relief of

the

the widows and children of the British feamen and foldiers who, during the prefent war, may die or be difabled in his Majefty's fervice. The fame fpirit of humanity that produced this work would fhield it from the feverity of criticism, if it stood in need of indulgence: but its intrinfic merit may well prevent it from fhrinking from the judgment even of the most rigid critics. The author paffes in review the different forms of government that have prevailed in the world, the monarchical, aristocratical, democratical, and mixed. He points out the advantages and difadvantages, the good and the bad tendencies, of each; and he concludes by giving a preference to that form which, uniting the greatest share of good, and excluding the greatest share of evil, bids faireft to connect liberty, property, and order, and to eftablish them on a durable bafis. It is evident, from the moft fcrupulous examination of the author's principles, that, in preferring a limited monarchy, and a legislature confifting of three eftates, he is not influenced by any flavish veneration for kings or nobles, but by a fincere defire to fecure the happiness of the governed, on the firm foundation of freedom and equal laws.

Speaking of the British conftitution, the author fhews that it was not the refult of fyftem, that its parts were not framed on theoretic obfervations, but that it was the work of time and experience; and, applying this remark to the subject of parliamentary reform, he labours to prove that we ought to proceed with great caution, and that changes ought not to be adventured upon, without a comprehenfive difcernment of the confequences, without a knowledge as well of the remote tendency as of the immediate defign.' He illuftrates his opinion by the following allufion to changes introduced into the British government, probably not foreseen, certainly not intended, by those who had the greatest share in the measures that led to them:

When ELIZABETH, and her IMMEDIATE SUCCESSOR, applied themselves to the encouragement and regulation of TRADE by many wife laws, they knew not, that, together with wealth and industry, they were diffufing a consciousness of strength and independency, which. would not long endure, under the forms of a mixed, government, the dominion of arbitrary princes.

When it was debated whether the MUTINY ACT (the law by which the army is governed and maintained) fhould be temporary or perpetual, little elfe probably occurred to the advocates of an annual bill, than the expediency of retaining a control over the most dangerous prerogative of the crown- THE DIRECTION AND COMMAND OF A STANDING ARMY: whereas, in its effect, this fingle refervation has altered the whole frame and quality of the British conftitution.- For fince, in confequence of the military fyftem which prevails in neighbouring and rival nations, as well as on account of the internal exigencies of government, a ftanding army has become effential to the fafety and administration of the empire, it enables parliament, by dif continuing this necessary provifion, so to enforce its refolutions upon any other fubject, as to render the king's dissent to a law, which has received the approbation of both houfes, too dangerous an experiment any longer to be advised.-A contest between the king and parliament cannot now be perfevered in, without a diffolution of the government.-Laftly,

10

when

when the conftitution conferred upon the crown the nomination to all employments in the public fervice, the authors of this arrangement were led to it, by the obvious propriety of leaving to a mafter the choice of his fervants; and by the manifeft inconveniency of engaging the national council, upon every variety, in thofe perfonal contests which attend elections to places of honour and emoluments.-Our ancestors did not obferve that this difpofition added an influence to the regal office, which, as the number and value of public employments increafed, would fuperfede in a great measure the forms, and change the character of the ancient conftitution-They knew not what the experience and reflection of modern ages has difcovered, that patronage univerfally is power; that he who poffeffes in a fufficient degree the means of gratifying the defires of mankind after wealth and distinction, by whatever checks and forms, his authority may be limited or difguifed, will direct the management of public affairs.--Whatever be the mechanifin of the political engine, he will guide the motion.'

The author then proceeds to fhew that the house of commons, even in its prefent incongruous ftate of reprefentation, is well calculated to answer the ends of its inftitution, and to collect and express the sense of the nation. His obfervations on this head, if not unanswerable, are extremely plausible:

By annexing the right of voting for members of the Houfe of Commons to different qualifications in different places, each order and profeffion of men in the community become virtually reprefented; that is, men of all orders and profeffions, Atatesmen, courtiers, country gentlemen, lawyers, merchants, manufacturers, foldiers, failors, interested in the profperity, and experienced in the occupation of their respective profeffions, obtain feats in parliament.

The elections, at the fame time, are fo connected with the influence of landed property as to afford a certainty that a confiderable number of men of great eftates will be returned to parliament; and are alfo fo modified, that men the most eminent and fuccessful in their respective profeffons, are the most likely, by their riches, or the weight of their ftations, to prevail in thefe competitions.

The number, fortune, and quality of the members; the variety of interefts and characters amongit them; above all, the temporary duration of their power, and the change of men which every new election produces, are fo many fecurities to the public, as well against the subjection of their judgments to any external dictation, as against the formation of a junto in their own body, fufficiently powerful to govern their decifions.

The reprefentatives are so intermixed with the conftituents, and the conflituents with the rest of the people, that they cannot, without a partiality too flagrant to be endured, impoje any burden upon the subject, in which they do not share themselves; nor fcarcely can they adopt an advantageous regulation, in which their own interests will not participate of the advantage.'

As we have often extracted from publications written in favour of parliamentary reform, it may be expected, from our impartiality, that we should do the fame when reviewing works of an oppofite tendency; fo that both fides of the question being fairly laid before our readers,