time to their composition; so that, in his letter to Mr. Wilkes, ho might justly say, "I offer you the sincere opinion of a man who perhaps has more leisure to make reflections than you have, and who, though he stands clear of business and intrigue, mixes sufficiently for the purposes of intelligence in the conversation of the world," Thus, agreeably to any hypothesis that has been formed of Junius, the character of Mr. Glover accurately corresponds.' Inquiry, pp. 31, 32.

The Editor of the enlarged edition of Junius, has brought together the distinguishing points which must meet in the right claimant to the honours of that author; the writer of the Inquiry has shewn that several others which might have been added, would but strengthen the evidence for Glover.

It appears that Junius was intimately acquainted with the concerns of the city, with trade, and the language of stockjobbers; and that he was probably himself a citizen.'- Junius. also valued himself on his knowledge of finance.'-' Junius was also, most probably, an author of other works, the printing of which he personally superintended; for his corrections of the press shew that he was acquainted with the printer's private marks, and the peculiar manner of writing them and in his confidential notes, which have been published, he uses the language of a man conversant with printers.' He could write poetry apparently with facility, as appears by a poem among his MSS.; consisting of six stanzas of four lines each, evidently written for Mr. Woodfall's personal gratification.'-' From reading the private notes to Woodfall, it appears that the author had a personal regard for him, and that he knew him thoroughly.' -Mr. Glover wrote some pieces for the stage; and the Inquirer finds some indications of a taste for dramatic writing in Junius's letters, under a different signature, to Lord Barrington, which have characters and scenes.

It has very reasonably been wondered how Junius, unless he were a man high in office, or of a rank to have habitual access to the court, could be so well acquainted with the characters, designs, intrigues, and secret quarrels and embarrassments, of the court and ministry; and supposing him to be of such office or rank, then the wonder was, by what miracle of management or good fortune a man so close under the inspection of so many suspicious and aggrieved observers, an individual of their own privileged and not numerous body, should have not only defied detection, but eluded suspicion. One part of the difficulty and wonder vanishes on the admission of Glover to be the man; for it is evident, from every part of the memoir; that he had been, as far forward as it reaches, and there is testimony that he was also, during the latter part of his life, in habits of easy inter

course with a number of the leading persons in the state, and of the most confidential communication with several of them.

He lived at this time "in habits of intimacy with Lord Cobham, Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, George Grenville, Lyttleton, Dodington, Waller, and other eminent political characters in opposition. to the court party, and his visits were frequent at Leicester House," (the residence of the Prince of Wales.')

Other persons of great note were of his acquaintance, and especially he appears to have been on terms of the greatest kindness with George, afterwards Marquis Townsend, for whose character and talents he expresses very great respect. But here rises one of the strongest reasons to doubt his identity with Junius. For this very nobleman is spoken of with the utmost aversion and contempt in several of the letters which Mr. Woodfall has published in his sequel as the unquestionable composition of Junius ;-though certainly the readers are not put in possession of any decisive proof of their being his. The Author of the Inquiry is sensible of this difficulty, and thus endeavours to obviate it.

It must ever be borne in mind, that Glover's opinion of men, throughout his whole life, was governed by the consistency of their political conduct; and even in the character of Lord Townsend in the memoir, he concludes with a gloomy prospective view that he may have, at some future time, occasion to alter it. "May time, which impairs every external grace, produce no such change in his virtues, as may ever throw upon my pen the melancholy obligation of altering this character."

The contrast of terms, however, is so violent, and the con→ demnatory representation is so perfectly clear of any indication of regret at the necessity of such a reversal of the former estimate, displays so easy a complacency in hostility, and a contempt so satirical, that we really do feel a difficulty of conceiving they could exist in a mind moderately well conditioned toward a person who had been for many years a respected and endeared friend. It is the sort of levity of the enmity that strikes us as so unnatural and improbable in a mind with such recollections. A grave and somewhat pensive indignation might have comported well with the high Catonic principles of Glover. His character, indeed, is marked in a very extraordinary degree by the feature described in the above extract from the Inquiry. The Memoir manifests that he alternately approved and disapproved of the same men, with an emphasis amounting almost to personal attachment or aversion, accord ing to the rectitude or obliquity of their conduct. His conviction of their want of integrity, very properly went the length of withdrawing him from friendly intercourse with them. He

had no notion that an honest man could maintain a friendship with politicians who were more intent on power and emolument than on the good of their country.

In the general spirit of his judgements on statesmen, in his unqualified, unmitigable condemnation of their corruption, a corruption which he had opportunities so extraordinary of knowing to be almost general among them, in his contempt of the ordinary currency of monarchs, in his disposition to make efforts and stimulate to efforts in the national service, combined with a despondency approaching to despair of the national virtue and welfare, the writer of this Memoir will be acknowledged by every reader to be in very striking correspondence to the character of Junius; and there wanted only some portion of that brilliance of composition, which distinguishes the best efforts of that writer, to make us willing to be persuaded that at last we have him in his proper person. Of this brilliance it must be acknowledged the Memoir is so destitute of all trace, that even all the presumptions furnished by so many points of correspondence between the circumstances and character of Glover and those of Junius, would not be enough to give plausibility to a claim for the one of being identical with the other, if the public had seen no compositions of the unknown writer, but the celebrated letters with that signature. But some of the letters of Philo-Junius, and a number of those from the same hand, given, under various denominations, in the new edition, have perhaps, in truth, as little of the electrical quality and power, if we may so express it, as the composition of this Memoir. And it is to be considered that it was written as a mere course of memorandums of the matters of the author's political experience, without the least ambition of the oratory of history, and without the smallest inducement for him to put his mind in that state of artificial heat, which was evidently necessary in order to produce from that of Junius those explosions in which he was so fine and so formidable.

If among the other papers of Glover, said by the Editor, in the preface to the Memoir, to be in the possession of his immediate descendant,' there should be a continuation of this political secret history, it is very possible it may furnish some further evidence on the literary question; and though it should not, it will be valuable for what it will be likely to disclose concerning actors and transactions, which ordinary history could do little better than exhibit to us in that prepared and often deceptive form in which it was intended by those actors that they should be seen by the public.

In these publications we do not observe that one word is said respecting the hand-writing of Glover; a silence, when their professed object is considered, not a little strange. We neces

sarily infer from it, however, that no degree of resemblance has been found or even fancied between it and that of Junius, whose MSS. the civility of Mr. Woodfall has permitted the Editor to inspect. It became, therefore, indispensable to assume, and it is done with far too little ceremony, that the letters of Junius were written in a disguised hand. We think that any person who looks at the fac-similes, may very reasonably doubt even the possibility of preserving so much system, together with an apparent freedom of stroke, in a hand adopted for occasional

use.

The Memoir may be deemed of more worth as an historical document than as contributing to prolong the old, and perhaps, hopeless, literary inquiry. When, however, we speak of its being something worth,' as history, we should not forget the difference of taste and opinion among readers. The class of persons alluded to at the beginning of this article, as consistently detesting Junius, who hold it a part of religion, that governments, contemplated under any of their forms or in any of their parts, monarchs, ministers, or parliaments, have a righteous claim, in virtue of their political capacity, to be held in reverence independently of their real characters, would have done well to buy up this Memoir, at each edition, to destroy it; for it is little else than an exposure of the political profligacy of the nost distinguished managers of the national concerns during the specified period. It will destroy all respect for the principles of the individuals thus exhibited, and will tend to aggravate, and seem to sanction, that deep, systematic suspicion which a portion of the community has been led to entertain against the whole class of statesmen. For if the public good was hardly so much as even a secondary concern with such men as Lyttleton and Chatham, (power and emolument, this Cato says, were the first, and their reputation the second,) it will seein quite reasonable to be somewhat rigorous and somewhat sceptical in judging of the pledges offered for the genuine public virtue of any statesman.

With regard to the competence of this witness, so long kept out of court, we suppose no reader of the Memoir will be permitted to entertain a doubt. It is quite evident that he was on easy and sometimes confidential terms with a number of persons who were themselves among the first actors on the political stage, and who were perfectly acquainted with the characters of all the rest. He often had long discussions with individuals on difficult points of adjustment in political co-operation, and assisted at the most secret and important councils for determining the plan of an opposition, a coalition, or a ministry. He tells what advice he gave, what statements and reasonings he heard, and what unavowed principles and motives he sometimes

descried. He assigns occasionally the causes of measures and movements, combinations and dissolutions, failures or successes, on which the public speculated in ignorance, but rarely pronounced a more suspicious or condemnatory judgement than the truth of the case, could it have been known, would have fully appeared to warrant. But what is called the public itself, experiences no more indulgence than its leaders and deluders, from this impartial censor, who pronounces the people to have been about as corrupt as their governors. He was as much a despiser of their merits as he was a friend to their welfare.

With respect to his honesty, in the sense of veracity as a recorder of facts and sketches of characters, and in the sense of integrity as a participator in the practical business and schemes of political party, we acknowledge he has very much of our confidence. There is a simple, firm, unequivocal directness in all his recitals, that proves he had never a moment's hesitation as to how he should relate his facts or express his comments, that he had no duplicity of ideas to require a language of compromise. And for the proof of his practical integrity, it may suffice that he was never himself a holder of place, or a receiver of emolument under any ministry, and that he would withdraw himself in a great measure from the friendship of such a man as Pitt, from disapprobation of his political conduct. In short the Memoir, with the little that is otherwise known of the man, gives the impression of a high-toned, consistent, inflexible, political virtue, of so decided and almost passionate a devotion to principle that he could throw persons and parties away when they appeared to desert it.

We had intended to make considerable extracts; but shall content ourselves with a very few passages from a publication which may so easily be obtained.

During the course of this year, 1744, the leaders of the opposi tion, who had differed among themselves so widely the year before, were once more re-united upon one principle, which was, to get into place; in consequence of this agreement a junto was formed of nine, the Duke of Bedford, Earl of Chesterfield, Lord Gower, Mr. Pitt, Lyttleton, Lord Cobham, Mr. Waller, Dodington, and Sir John Hynde Cotton: however, this justice is due to the four last, that in all their conferences with the other five they strenuously insisted on making some terms with Mr. Pelham for the public before they went into employment.'

He mentions some of the objects that were discussed with this view; but then adds,

Such, however, was the prostitution of Bedford, Chesterfield, Gower, Pitt, and Lyttleton, a party founded on the base desire of pecuniary emoluments, partly on the more extensive views of pro