upon us or our pofterity." In the prayers appointed for this folemn day of national expiation and repentance we find the following expreffions: "O moft mighty God, who didft fuffer the life of our gracious Sovereign King Charles the First to be, as this day, taken away by the hands of cruel and bloody men; lay not the guilt of this innocent blood-to the charge of the people of this land." In another prayer he is called our martyred Sovereign," who, by the grace of God," was enabled fo cheerfully to follow the fteps of his bleffed Mafter and Saviour, in a conftant meek fuffering of all his barbarous indignities, and at laft refifting unto blood, and even then, according to the fame pattern, praying for his murderers.” We could make other quotations to the fame effect, but thefe will fuffice to put the Church at illue with the whigs, and poffibly to induce the author to look, for once, into fo old-fashioned a book, as the Prayer Book.— So much for the loyalty of the whigs, including the patriotic reclufe of St. Anne's Hill, the worfted fpinner of Arnold, and the Monthly Reviewers, who boldly affert that Mr. Davifon "has defended his character and political principles with great fpirit and ability"-certainly with the spirit of a whig and the ability of a poissarde. We shall now turn to another nolable whig, John Cartwright, Efq.

The temper of Mr. Cartwright's publications might be conjectured from this circumftance alone; that he can find no bookfeller bold enough to pub lith them; hence the author is obliged to be his own publisher. The objest of the prefent pamphlet is to recommend Mr. Cartwright as a proper reprefentative for Nottingham, and to fay the truth, if, as he contends, the Members of the Houle of Commons be merely the trustees of the perfons by whom they are elected, and if all the electors of Nottingham were fuchmanly, clear-headed whigs" as Mr. R. Davifon, the worsted-spinner, they could not chufe a more suitable representative than this ci-devant major...

The greater part of this ftupid and prolix differtation is a fenfelefs jargon about constitution and popular representation, scarcely intelligible, we fhould think, to any but the fages of the London Corresponding Society. Before he tells us what he does mean, he deems it expedient to tell us what he does not mean, (which appears to be much the easiest part of the task) and alfo with whom he does not agree. He does not agree with Mr. Reeves in his definition of the conftitution; this is natural, because Mr. Reeves is a lawyer and understands the conftitution, whereas he, Mr. C., evidentlyknows nothing about it. Nor yet does he agree with Mr. Arthur Young'; nor with Lord Grenville; nor with Mr. Windham; nor with Mr. Dundas, nor with Mr. Pitt Having adopted this train of argument, it might natu rally be expected that having told us with whom he does not agree, he would next inform us with whom he does agree. But that would not have been perfectly confiftent with prudence. The deficiency, however, is cafily fupplied; for, as far as we can underfland him, he agrees with Tho mas Paine, with Horne Tooke, Joel Barlow, Hardy the shoemaker, O'Coigley, and Sir Francis Burdett's worthy friend, Arthur O'Connor. His diffent from Mr. Windham he thus explains.

With the learned advocate for bull-baiting, with the vindictive champion of a vigour beyond the law, who deprecates even peace if reform be to follow, and who focks up in military prifons an English foldiery, to wean them from the feelings, and to render them' deaf to the com plaints of an injured English people' (of Defpard and his affociates for in11939

ftance)

. con fiance) I cannot agree; for in truth I cannot behold the barrack-badges of my country's degradation from the dignity of freedom, I cannot witness this bayonet profanation of our facred conftitution without fhame and indignation."

It must be confeffed, that a military defence is a terrible obstacle to the alertion of the sacred right of insurrection, and that barracks are awkward im pediments to that facility of communication which is neceflary for giving full effect to patriotic admonitions. Mr. C. of courfe agrees with Mr. Da vilon in his opinion of the late administration, of whom, with equal regard to decency and truth, he afferts, that they were "men whofe defpotifm in its cruelty rivalled the inquifition; and whofe miniftry, to the indelible dihonour of our age and nation, and for which every Englishman owes them perfonal refentment, was difgraced by the brutality of TORTURE." What he means by this he has not condefcended to explain. He concludes his trade by calling them, "tyrannical, unjuft, and inhuman.”~

In explaining what he does mean by the conftitution, Mr. C. allures us that the very foul of it is representation and political liberty, which are "convertible terms;" they are indeed convertible, for of late years they have been converted, by whigs, into anarchy and rebellion. But the liberty which he means is not to be found, he tells us, in this country, at prefent; nor yet the political representation to which he adverts; fo that it follows, as a nece:lary inference from his premifes, that the conftitution no longer exifts, in fort, that we have no fuch thing as a conflitution; and, indeed, all his arguments, like thofe of that arch-rebel Thomas Paine, tend to eftablith this fact. As far as we can collect his meaning from his declamation, he means to affert that there is no liberty in, this country, without universal · suffrage and annual parliaments, nor even then, unless the reprefentatives for cholen act as the mere delegates of their conftituents, conftantly subject to their orders and revocable at their pleasure. One other condition too,~ he affirms, is indifpenfably requifite to the existence of political liberty; that the people fhould all bear arms, and that there should be no hireling foldiers. And this he has the folly and the effrontery to maintain, is the real confiitution of England! Were we to ask him where we are tollook! for this conftitution, he probably might refer us to the archives of the Lone don Correfponding Society, or to the records of the Whig Club. Cer tainly not to the Statute Book, not to the laws of England, to which alone any rational man would refer for it. And this chimera of his own brain, which never did, which never can exift, in a MONARCHY, he calls on the people to adopt, urging them, in pretty plain terms, to employ both their hearts and their hands, in enforcing the adoption of it by the nation, Taxation, without reprefentation" fuch as prevails in England, he fays, " even in the slightest degree, ought to create univerfal alarm, and beget. universal opposition; but when experienced in an extreme when amounting to a national calamity, as heavy as univerfal, every bofom ought to glow. with a sense of the common duty; every hand ought to bear its teftimony against the wrong; every voice ought to be railed to demand redress." And that there may be no mistake as to his fentiments on this fubject, he. reminds his fovereign, that it was nothing but " taxation without reprefentation that coft King Charles the First his crown and his life;" and was one of the prominent features in the defpotic meafures for which King James was driven from the throne." Now when we confider the perfect uniformity of fentiment between this writer, and his fellow-labourer, Mt.

Robert

Robert Davifon; when we find the latter declaring that King Charles justly loft his head on the block, and the former imputing his death folely to taxation without reprefentation, fuch as he declares now prevails in this country, and which he fays is" to rule and to rob," warning his fovereign of the fate of that prince, calling upon his countrymen to refift the present fyftem of government, telling them, "oppofition is vain, redress must be given," and calling it "a fyftem fo degrading,-a fyftem fo flagitious,a fyftem which is no other than defpotifin and pillage combined, I trust in God the English nation will rather perith than endure;" there is but one inference that can be drawn from his arguments, both as to his motives and his object.

To remind fuch a patriot, that if every man had a vote, and no man was free who was not reprefented, in every contefted election, the minority would be left in a state of slavery, because, they would have no delegate to speak their fentiments and to receive their orders;-that if a reprefentative fo chofen was fubject to the directions of his conftituents on every public question, the year for which he was elected would be devoted to the fole purpose of confulting them, and the public bufinefs could not poffibly be tranfacted ;-that if liberty confifted in having no paid troops, and every man bore arms; one of two things muft follow, that either the whole body must act, and the neceflary occupations of life be neglected; or a part only muft act, and they be fupplied with the means of fubfiftence by those who remained inactive; and then the whole fyftem would fall to the ground, for the former would be as much hirelings as our prefent army.To remind fuch a patriot as Mr. C., we fay, of thefe trifling objections to his notable plan of reform, or, to speak more correctly, of subversion, would be a vain and fruitlefs talk; for his felf-confidence is as determined as his ignorance is incorrigible.

When Mr. Reeves afferted a plain fact refpecting the parliamentary conftitution of this country, a former Houfe of Commons, to their eternal infamy be it recorded, determined that the father of the loyal allociations fhould be profecuted; but what will the prefent Houfe of Commons say to a man who has the audacity to ask this question?" Can such a House of Commons possess the right of taxation ?" If the Houfe do not poffefs this right, they have, indeed, been guilty of ufurpation and robbery; but we fulpect they will tell this furious whig a different ftory.-He proceeds, however, to ftate, that the question refpecting the affertion of this right, on the part of the Houfe," is neither more nor lefs than whether the PROPERTY of the whole nation fhall in future belong to its right owners, or through the well-paid agency of a reptile faction, to the crown. On the decition of this question muft depend, whether we fhall henceforth be a nation of free-men, or a herd of crouching flaves;--and flaves fleeced of their property to rivet their chains. And, can this reptile faction, can this crew of traffickers in voting fiones, and invifible corporations, believe, that an intelligent, a proud, and high-fpirited people, who, for attempting TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION, hurled from the throne their ancient kings, will endure Taxation without Reprefentation from their mean and polluted hands! Shall it be endured, that a faction fo contemptible, hall confider themfelves as lords of all property, and as talkmatters of the whole people; property to be given on demand in fuch proportions as they please; and the people, to toil for their profit, on the terms they thall impole! Shall this corrupt company of political traders,-ha

thele

thefe copartners in iniquity,-thefe buyers and fellers of human liberty and human blood,-theie babbling echoes of Peace, peace, peace; war, war, war;' without a motive but fordid gain;-fhall a faction of men fuch as these, be suffered to furvey this fair land as their own p»

Of the government of this country he entertains the fame exalted idea as of the House of Commons. After ftating that there can be no liberty where there is no equal reprefentation; and alerting that there is no fuch reprefentation in England; he fays, " by the fecurity of liberty and property, or the contrary, it is precisely determined, whether a government be GOOD or BAD; valuable or worthless; a blefling or a curle. Where both liberty and property are not fate the government is vicious and oppreffive." It is evident, therefore, that, in his eftimation, the government of Great Britain is bad, worthlefs, a curfe, vicious and oppreffive!!

But though he wishes to deftroy the parliament and to refift the government, he pays homage to the people. "I must not plead for a mere equality of claims on the part of the people, whofe rights are inherent, original, and paramount; while peers, king, and conftitution itself, all derived from them, are the mere creatures of their political creation." The Liturgy and the Whig-Creed are again at variance, for the former (which, we fuppofe, is no authority with Mr. Cartwright) teaches us to confider our king as Ithe chofen fervant," the "minifter" of the Lord, and as having the "authority" of the Lord; not of the people. But, fays Mr. C. "the only underived and abfolute fovereignty, is the fovereignty inherent in the people; none but the people can change the constitution,"-a pretty broad hint truly!" A people free and not sovereign, is a contradiction in terms." This execrable nonfenfe of the sovereignty of subjects, were it not for the lamentable consequences whieh it has already produced in France, and had it not a direct tendency to promote rebellion and regicide wher ever it is promulgated, would be a fubject of laughter and contempt.

After the fpecimens which we have exhibited of Mr. Cartwright's principles there can be little difference of opinion refpecting the ipecies of referm which he is anxious to produce in this country; when he calls upon the people to exercife that voice which has been already heard at Nottingham and at Norwich; in Norfolk, Kent, and Middlesex;" telling them, at the fame time, that "the prefent decayed and perverted state of our representation, and the corrupt fyftem of government engrafted thereupon, MUST lead either to settled despotism, or to civil war, unless averted by REFORM." Yet, though fpeaking fo plainly, he does not hesitate to affert, "that the cause of reform has an advocate in THE HEIR TO THE THRONE, we have reafon to know."-" So, for fuch an alliance" (between the crown and the people) "fo evidenced" (by an equal reprefentation through uni verfal fuffrage)" and fo guaranteed" (" by the arms of a million of free men")" and at no diftant period, we may confidently look." Were there the fmalleft foundation for this audacious affertion, what dreadful appre henfions would it excite in the mind of every friend to the British mo narchy. But it must be a grofs libel on the illuftrious perfonage to whom the author alludes. The Monthly Reviewers, however, adopt all the fenti ments of this Nottinghamshire patriot, and found forth his praises con amore, "Undauntedly"--fay they, in their number for February" he continues to maintain the neceffity of a parliamentary reform. In a train of bold, nervous, and animated eloquence, he attacks that which is termed the borough-faction, and reprobates with indignation the defpotic principle

NO. LIX. VOL, XV.

F

of

of taxation without reprefentation. To true whigs, including we truft the sancta cohors comitum" the whole corps of Monthly Reviewers we fuppofe, "many of Major Cartwright's periods will be highly relishing, while to thofe of an oppofite cat they will be wormwood."The murder of a King (Charles) and the fovereignty of the people, are, no doubt, “ relishing” moriels, tit-bits, for a herd of diffenting critics. But we thank thefe gentlemen for once more speaking out; we are now at iffue with them again; and will either drive them from the field, or be driven from it ourtelves.

Next in order a e Mr. Foxcroft's letter to Mr. Davison, and the answer of the latter. The letter occupies but three pages and a half; the answer twenty-four! The former we fhall extract, as being thort, and as explaining the ground of the difpute.

"To Mr. Robert Davison, Worsted Spinner, Arnold.

"Sir,-The fame regard which you profefs to have for your own character, as being the caufe of your late correfpondence with a gentleman ̧of this town on the fubject of an allertion which you have charged him with making to your prejudice, ought to have made you cautious that you did ̧ not fall into the culpable fituation of which you complain.

"By a late publication of your letters, I obferve you have in one of them allerted that the manner of acquiring the fignatures to the petition of the burgelles lately prefented to the House of Commons against the late election, will reflect an everlafting difgrace on thole concerned in it, and will be an eternal monument of their being ready to do any thing for emolument; and you fay, the deceit and falfehood used in procuring the major part of thofe fignatures, and the coercion exercifed to prevent the manly and ingenuous recantations of thofe fo impofed upon, fhall be fully expoled at a proper feafon.

"Now, Sir, your fiery temper cannot wait that feafon, you knew I was the perfon profeffionally employed to fee the petition figned, and therefore muft know, that you was charging me with deceit, falfehood, and fraud; wantonly, unprovokedly, and in a private correfpondence with which thefe petitions had no manner of connexion. You have trumpeted your charge in print to the public, to enable them to prejudge the cafe,--and as far as it was in your pover, to injure my character; fo that notwithstanding all your boasted liberality, you are feelingly alive for your own character, but can impudently trample upon another man's.

"I fhould have hoped that the abuse you have fo liberally beftowed on others, for what you are pleafed to term falsehood, would have given you the hint not to have fallen into the fame fituation yourself--that you would not have attempted to boliter up the proceedings at the late Election, but that you would have fuffered them to ftand or fall on their own merits or demerits at the approaching trial.

"However I may prize my own character, I fhould have fairly refted it with the public even upon the credit of your own affertions (for the man that can affert the late Election to have been the most peaceable of any contested one that is in remembrance in this town, will not gain much credit for veracity with an impartial public), but as my filence to thefe charges might be deemed an acquiefcence in their truth by fome, and (what weighs mere with me) might tend to injure the caufe of my employer, I take the liberty of telling you thus publicly-that thefe affertions are falfe, infamous, and fcandalous. In obtaining thefe petitions I deceived no man, I was