THERE are abundant reasons why the people of Great Britain should thoroughly inform themselves of the moral as well as political character of Nations with whom they are in alliance. Misunderstanding, unworthy jealousy, or what is worse, a blind confidence, founded on inaccurate or insufficient information, leads nations, as well as individuals, into mistakes, endless complications, and perhaps mutual ruin. There have been few periods in modern history to which these remarks could more forcibly apply than to the present time. The whole surface of European society is excessively agitated by the dangers that seem almost visibly looming in the immediate future. New principles, new names, or new divisions of states, have already come, or appear to be coming, to change the present aspect of the political world, and it is equally impossible, as undesirable, for England to avoid becoming an active participator in events. The source of these impending changes, and impending misfortunes, as we may venture to term them, is the Emperor of the French. It is his ambition, his restless and unsatisfied character, that maintains Europe in a state of excitement and constant alarm. It appears highly necessary, therefore, that the facts of his life should be better known, that a correct and unprejudiced opinion may be formed in this country, whether he is a safe and reliable ally, upon whom England may lean in the approaching struggles. This is an inquiry that more or less involves our own liberties; for if England, by a mistaken confidence was deserted by one of her allies, and especially by France, in the midst of a war, serious danger might be the result, and Social Progress arrested for generations. It seems but a reasonable precaution, therefore, that all who have property or homes to defend, should investigate the moral, still more than the political, security on which our alliance with France is based, inasmuch as her prodigiously large army has been rapidly gathering for some ulterior schemes-the only schemes in fact for which large armies have ever been used, namely, Conquest or Oppression: but, on whom is the blow to fall. These considerations assume greater significance when we reflect, that the Emperor of the French is an absolute monarch, whose single will is law-he can be to-day our intimate ally and friend, and to-morrow our deepest enemy, without the slightest check from

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the public opinion, the constitution, or the government of France: hence in all our relations with him caution and investigation is doubly necessary. We feel this the more strongly, from the fact, that he is a monarch, so to speak, of yesterday, whose antecedents give rather more ground for suspicion than for trust; he is unchecked either by a free press, or by an independent legislature, and bows to no influence or considerations but the promptings of his own character and ambition. All power thus concentrated in himself, public opinion stifled, and the press guarded by a surveillance that represses the least freedom of expression, the government of France, is, in fact LOUIS NAPOLEON, marked by such faults and virtues as nature has endowed him with. Our alliance, therefore, though nominally with France, is really with himself personally, and it is his personal designs, character, and policy we have to consider, and to be prepared for, and not the policy or the voice of the French people.

OUR ALLY.

THE alliance stands in a very peculiar position. The people of both countries have not lost their ancient prejudices, engendered by long contests, dating from the earliest period of their history. Their manners, customs and principles are totally antagonistic, and we cannot be blind to the fact that the struggle that has existed between them has been for the DOMINION OF WESTERN EUROPE. In our own country civilization and industrial pursuits have weaned away our minds from our old warrior propensities. We dream no more of conquering France-of annexing her territories, or of despatching our fleets on a devastating expedition to her coasts. Our policy and wishes are altogether changed. Religion, peaceful pursuits, and the high character England has acquired in modern times-and which she possesses this moment stronger than ever-for real courage and disinterested conduct, have satisfied us as a nation, without demanding further deeds to sustain our position before the world. We feel, therefore, no reluctance,

and find no difficulty, in forgetting our past antipathies and prejudices to France; though it is impossible not to see that they are far from being extinct. They are inert and slumbering, and unless aroused by ample provocation, are to all intents dead. But this is not so with France. In that country Industry and the arts of peace have made little progress. From the time of the First Napoleon, military glory has been the dream and idol of the nation. No civilizing or religious influences have been born to soften down the fierce passions of past times, and the successive revolutions and changes through which that country has passed, have only served to increase, rather than to diminish, the old hatred to England and English institutions. For each revolution drew England more or less into its stream, and the French have felt and have been taught that from the period Pitt fomented the war in La Vendee, English power and wealth have had a large share in shaping the destinies of France. The French know that this is so; and they feel that our unostentatious power has been more than equal to all their noise, threats, and military attitudes in

the face of Europe. Hence, notwithstanding the alliance with Louis Napoleon, the hostility to England is as deep now as ever. One great cause of a continued state of antipathy to us is to be found in the prevailing ignorance and utter deficiency of education in France. It is well known that Louis Napoleon was elected President of the Republic by the blind enthusiasm of four Departments of France, against the distinct voice of the educated classes, and the entire commercial community. In these four departments the peasantry voted for him in a body, and as one man. But why? They believed the great Napoleon had escaped from his jailors, and had come upon the scene to renew his conquests and dazzling regime once more. They knew little or nothing actually, of his death-of his remains then lying on the banks of the Seine, guarded by his old veterans-or of the dispersion and ruin of his family. So utterly were they shut out from intelligence by their ignorance, that they had not the least conception for whom they voted: all they knew was, that he was a Buonaparte and they were as capable of believing him to be the man whom we imprisoned thirty-three years before in St. Helena, as any member of his family. France, it will thus be imagined, is very deficient in general education; in this respect it may be asserted she is in a state of complete darkness-a state that adds an element of great danger to the power wielded by Napoleon. Ignorance is the foundation on which despotism rests, as Enlightenment is its greatest foe. It must be expected therefore that the peasant population of France, uneducated and uninformed, will be swayed entirely by its unreasoning prejudices and ignorance; yet it is from this peasantry the army is fed. Again, the law of conscription which compels every man to turn soldier, is still in force; and France having held her position through many generations more by the power of her army than by her moral influence, and at this moment maintains an overwhelming force as a threat against Europe, it is clear that the peasantry, forced by the conscription into becoming soldiers, pass with all their hereditary prejudices into the military strength of the nation, and thus transferred to a field where their feelings find encouragement and fellowship, and surrounded by the pomp and excitement which gives to their antipathies and passions the pleasures of hope, the army, composed of ignorant and inflammable peasants, is thus at once pervaded by a sentiment of hostility to England, whom it has converted into a national antagonist. To this feeling we may ascribe the conduct of the French Colonels when England refused to surrender the Italian exiles who had fled to her shores from oppression, and who, however guilty in their excesses, and justly responsible for acts and designs for which there can be no excuse, were not more guilty or more liable to responsibility than the power that had driven them to such desperate resources; and as we can speak from a residence in France, and some intercourse with the people, we venture to affirm a generation will have to pass away before that, even with the spread of industrious habits and education, hereditary jealousy and antipathy, the relics of past and unenlightened ages, will disappear.

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