dividual in this nation is, in this respect, equal to every other. The nobility, it is true, have some privileges, the judges and other magistrates have some, but these are not injurious to the liberty of property of others.* One might as reasonably contend that the bramble shall equal the oak, as that no distinctions should take place between the members of the same society. No order of men is exempted from paying taxes. No order is exclusively entitled to the offices of the state. The son of any the meanest man in the nation may become a general, or an admiral, a lord chancellor, or an archbishop. Even the French never intended by the term equality, an equality of property. Other nations may deluge their land with blood, in struggling for liberty and equality; but let it never be forgotten by us, and let the observation be impressed upon our children, that we are in possession of both as far as can be consistent with the end for which civil society was introduced among mankind.

"The provision for the poor in this kingdom is so liberal, as in the opinion of some, to discourage industry. An equal division of land would be to the poor a great misfortune, as they would possess far less than they do at present. When we add to this consideration, the immense sums subscribed by the rich for hospitals, infirmaries, sufferers by fire and other misfortunes, all which would cease, were all men on a level or equally poor; it cannot but excite astonishment that so foolish a system should ever have been mentioned by any man of common sense. It is not practicable, it would not be useful, and would not be just.

"It has been studiously inculcated into the minds of the multitude that our monarchy is far more expensive than a republic; that a civil list of a million a year is enormous, and might be saved. Supposing this true, and that every shilling of this sum was expended in supporting the dignity of the Crown, (both which suppositions are false,) still the liberty, prosperity and tranquillity of this great nation would be cheaply

*The chief privilege is exemption from arrest, which is also enjoyed by members of the House of Commons, and extends to witnesses and some others, not for their own benefit, but that of the public.-Editor.

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purchased by such a sum. I have never been the patron of corruption. So far as the civil list has a tendency to corrupt the judgment of any member of either House, it has a bad tendency; but I do not wish to see the splendor of the Crown reduced to nothing; or its proper weight in the scale of the constitution destroyed. A great portion of this million is expended in the salaries of the judges, in maintaining ambassadors, in pensions and donations to men of letters, to those who have by naval, military or civil services claims on their country; and to persons of respectable families who have been humbled by misfortunes. I think a fifth part of the million is more than the expense of the royal household. What a mighty matter of complaint, that each individual contributes less than sixpence a year to the support of monarchy !

"That our constitution is so perfect as not to admit of improvement, I cannot assert; but I think it far too excellent to be amended by peasants or mechanics. I do not speak of these with any disrespect. I am not so ignorant of the importance of the chain by which all the individuals of the human race are connected, as to think disrespectfully of any link of it. Peasants and mechanics are as useful to the state as any other order; but their utility consists in discharging well the duties of their stations; it ceases when they affect to become legislators, for which their education has not fitted them.

"The liberty of the press is a main support to the liberty of the the nation, and should be transmitted to posterity; but a bad use is sometimes made of it: and it is never more pernicious than when employed to infuse into the minds of the community disparaging ideas respecting the constitution of their country. No danger need be apprehended from a candid examination of our own constitution, or a dipslay of the advantages of any other; but all are not qualified to make the comparison: and there are so many in every community who wish to have no government, that an appeal to them ought not to be made.

"In every government upon earth deviations may be found from the rule of strict political justice; but when those are

generally acquiesced in as matters of little moment to general felicity, it is not the part of a good man, or a good citizen to be zealous in recommending such matters to the discussion of ignorant men. The foundation of our government, or the edifice erected on it, ought not to be overturned because an acute politician may think he has discovered a flaw in the building.

"Should a stranger desire you to pull down your house, because he had built one in France or America, after what he thought a better plan, you would say,-No; my ancestors have lived in this mansion comfortably for many generations. If I should observe a decay in any of its parts I know how to make the reparation, without the assistance of strangers. Your house may be suited to your climate and temper; this is suited to mine. You have not lived long enough in your house to know the inconveniences to which it may be liable, nor have you had any experience of its strength; the first whirl-wind may scatter its members; the first inundation may sweep it from the surface of the earth. I am satisfied with my own."

"Great calamities attend the breaking up of established governments. Yet some may be so defective as to make a change not improvidently purchased at the expense of the mischief. Ours is not a government of that kind. Look round the globe, and see if you can discover a single nation on its surface so powerful, so beneficent, so free and happy, as our own. May heaven avert from the minds of my countrymen, the slightest wish to abolish. their constitution.

"Mr. Locke observes, Kingdoms have been overturned by the pride, ambition and turbulency of private men; by the people's wantonness, and desire to cast off the lawful authority of their rulers, as well as by the rulers' insolence and endeavours to get and exercise an arbitrary power over the people.' I looked upon it as an idle effort to endeavour to persuade the bulk of the people to consent to an alteration in favour of a republic. I

• The Effort would have been more serious than his Lordship thought, if it had not been strongly opposed.-Editor.

knew, indeed, that in every country the flagitious dregs of a nation were always ripe for revolution; but I was sensible that it was for the interest not only of the opulent and powerful, not only of the mercantile classes, but even of honest labourers and every industrious man, to resist the principles of such pestilent members or outcasts of society. I rejoice that through the vigilance of administration the turbulency has been checked. The hopes of bad men have been disappointed by the general and unequivocal judgment of a whole nation, renowned for its bravery and humanity, for its loyalty to its princes, its love of liberty, and its attachment to the constitution. Wise men have formed it, brave men have bled for it, it is our part to preserve it." Jan. 1793.

ON LIBERTY, EQUALITY, AND THE UNION OF THE LEGISLATIVE, JUDICIAL AND EXECUTIVE POWERS.

According to the opinion of the wise Montesquieu, "Heaven is not more distant from the earth than the true spirit of equality is from that of extreme equality; and though the natural place of virtue be near to liberty, yet virtue is not nearer to extreme liberty than it is to slavery."

"Political liberty is to be met with only in moderate governments. It does not consist in unrestrained freedom. It is a tranquility of mind, arising from the opinion each person has of his safety. In order to have this liberty, it is requisite that the government be so constituted, as that one man need not be afraid of another.

"When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty; because apprehensions may arise lest the same monarch, or senate, should enact tyrannical laws, or execute them in a tyrannical manner.

Again, there is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers. Were it joined with the legislative, there the life and liberty of the sub

ject would be exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge then would be the legislator. Were it joined to the executive power, the judge might act with all the violence of an oppressor.

"There would be an end to every thing, were the same man, or the same body, whether of the nobles, or of the people, to execute all the three powers,—that of enacting laws, that of executing the public resolution, and that of judging of the crimes and differences of individuals."

"In the republics of Italy, where these three powers are united, there is less liberty than in monarchies. What a situation must the poor citizens be in, under those republics!"

The great author's own country was in a much worse situation than that which is here supposed, at no distant period after his decease.

FURTHER THOUGHTS ON EQUALITY.

"It cannot be denied that, in some respects, all men are equal. We all come into the world alike naked, and generally leave it in the same manner. In our infancy we are equally helpless, and require the same care and sustenance. So far mankind may be considered as equal; but in any other sense, from the cradle to the coffin, it will be in vain to look for equality in the human race. The weak and the strong, the old and the young, the wise and the simple, are all unequal. These are differences made by nature: much greater are artificial inequalities.

In

"In barbarous nations, personal advantages, such as strength, courage and agility, produce pre-eminence and power. civilized countries mental accomplishments procure distinction and authority. Superior faculties, talents and acquirements will always give the possessor a superiority, and consequently will cause an inequality between those who previously thought themselves on an equal footing.

"All cannot be masters, or all servants. Some will always be found richer than others. In this country, above most others, the difference or inequality of rank and fortune is more owing