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Be it therefore enacted, That from and after the

day

of next ensuing, no person or persons shall presume to bear false witness, or give false evidence before any of his Majesty's justices of the peace, either in their petty, or quartersessions, in any cause or matter whatsoever, to the obstruction or delay of justice, to the prejudice of any party to the several suits that may from time to time be brought before them. Nor shall it be lawful for any person or persons to contrive, utter or publish malicious lies, officious falsehoods, or unjust reflections, upon any person or persons, to the prejudice of their credit, the loss of their characters, the grief and disquiet of their minds, or any other kind or degree of loss or suffering whatsoever, saving and excepting such persons and cases as are hereinafter excepted. That is to say,

1. That this Command shall not be deemed to extend to court-favourites, royal minions, first ministers, secretaries of state, privy-counsellors, decypherers, spies, pimps and informers, nor to their several officers, servants and domestics, who, by their places and stations, may reasonably be presumed to be in the interest and secrets of their respective masters and superiors, who could not duly discharge the duties of their several stations, if they were to be confined to the strictest rules of truth and sincerity on the other hand, it appears that political falsehoods have, in all ages, been found to be of singular use and benefit to kings and princes, as well as to their countries and subjects; such as the disgracing and removing corrupt ministers, and getting the administration into cleaner hands, keeping out of the royal presence and favour such persons as would certainly make a corrupt use of it; the supplanting rivals and competitors for posts of honour and trust about their royal master; the attainting and demolishing a dangerous over-grown subject, in order to prevent his doing mischief, and getting his great estates and riches divided amongst a number of honest gentlemen, who spend their whole time, and exert all their faculties in the service of their king and country. Now as all these fictions, inventions and falsehoods were entirely calculated for the benefit and good

of society, they have not the form and essence of lying, but are to be considered under the notions of feints and stratagems in war: Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit? Lastly, it appears plainly from history, that they have more than once been of excellent use in promoting and procuring the unspeakable blessing of glorious and happy revolutions in many kingdoms and countries, besides many other excellent and useful purposes, too long and too many to be particularly enumerated.

2. That this shall not extend to any of his Majesty's Courts in Westminster Hall, where an evidence literally and materially false may yet be intentionally and formally good, and answer all the uses and purposes of Justice, Truth and Charity, by determining and finishing a tedious, expensive suit, that would otherwise infallibly terminate in the ruin of both parties; and notwithstanding all appearances of injustice and cruelty, may be in its consequences as great an act of mercy, as giving a coup de grace to a dying malefactor, which shortens his agonies, and at once puts him out of his pain.

3. This shall not be extended in its extreme rigour to those little polite assemblies called Tea-Tables; because if they were strictly confined to the words of truth and soberness, and forbid those little flights, excursions, and deviations from truth, which generally enliven and brighten the audience, the conversation would quickly grow flat and insipid, and the prettiest orators in the circle would be insensibly deprived of the benefit and freedom of speech. And as it is universally known and acknowledged, that the Dear Angels have no gall or malice at heart, no spleen, jealousies, emulations, competitions or envy against the rest of their sex, but only utter the overflowings of their good sense, good nature and zeal for virtue; therefore if any very pretty creature should, while she is cooling her dish, or doubling her bread and butter, let fall any word or expression that has the appearance of invective or satyr, any fling, flirt, hint or innuendo that may seem to expose or ridicule the shape, air, mien, complexion, dress, good sense or conduct of any of her pretty fellowcreatures, in all such cases they must and ought, and shall be

indulged in such innocent liberties, which are apparently intended only to divert and instruct the company, and display their own good taste, wit and eloquence, in opposition to the false taste, the ill manners, the follies and vices of the rest of their sex.

The tenth Commandment appears to be quite unreasonable, if not absolutely impracticable, being a direct "Contradiction to "the great and fundamental article of natural Religion, which is "to follow nature, i. e. those inclinations, propensions and de"sires, which the author of our nature has implanted in us, in "order to determine our conduct and behaviour; for to be sure " he would never have planted those inclinations in us, if he had "not designed we should gratify them; it being utterly in"consistent with his wisdom and goodness to give us appetites "and desires, for no other end but that we should check and "restrain them*". Now let us put the case that a man has no wife of his own, and can find no agreeable female that he could like to make his companion for life, or suppose him to be already yoaked to a sour, disagreeable, ill-natured creature, that has extinguished the very sparks of conjugal affection; and that he sees his friend or his neighbour happy in the enjoyment of a beautiful, tender, sensible, good-natured spouse; is it not natural for such a person to wish, at least, that he could make an exchange, or share in the happiness of his neighbour? Is it not natural for him to wish himself in his neighbour's condition? Is anything more common, or more natural, than to hear people wishing they had such a charming woman, such a fine house, such a pretty estate, such a beautiful horse, or set of horses, plate or china, so that nobody were the worse for it? This is a righteous saving clause, and takes away all the iniquity and injustice that can be supposed in the act of coveting or desiring any kind or manner of thing, that is the possession or property of another. No manner of question can be made, that if I like any other man's estate, house, goods or chattles, and he consent to part with them for a valuable consideration, it is consistent with the most rigid notions of commutative justice,

* Principles of Deism set in a true light, page 44.

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that I have a legal interest, right and title to the said estate, house, goods and chattles, so conveyed to me by their true and lawful owner. But in the case of a wife, the right is still clearer, and the title more unexceptionable; for if any one man take it in his head to covet, or be in love with another man's wife, and the husband of the said wife think it reasonable, for certain valuable considerations, to transfer the use at least, if not the property of his said wife, to the person so bargaining, covenanting and purchasing the same; and if the said wife be considered as a party willing and consenting to the said deed of bargain, sale, loan, gift or exchange, you have then clearly three parties to the deed; whereas in the other cases above-mentioned, you could have but two. Upon these considerations,

Be it therefore enacted,-That from and after the

day

of next ensuing, no person or persons, of what rank, quality or degree soever, shall presume to attempt, by fraud or violence, to take, hold or enjoy any man's wife, house, servants, cattle, or any manner or kind of property whatsoever, unless by mutual contract, agreement, bargain or sale, the use or property of the said valuable goods, chattles, estates or commodities be fairly transferred from the one to the other; and that upon such contract, fairly and legally made and executed, a man shall be deemed to have the same right and title to the use, occupation, enjoyment or possession of the said valuable goods, estates and commodities as the former owner or possessor was ever conceived to have, or could possibly convey to another.

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And for the better and more effectual publication and observance of the several articles and matters enjoined and commanded by this act, it is hereby further provided and enacted, That from and after the Day of ensuing, this Act shall be considered and regarded as a legal and parliamentary exposition of the said ten Commandments; and that all parsons, vicars and curates, in their expositions of the church catechism, commonly so called, do, on every such occasion, make the aforesaid declaration with a distinct and audible voice, repeating the same three several times. And for as

much as people of rank and figure, who, by the indulgence of this act, are excused from attending the service of the church, may possibly, through forgetfulness, or prejudices of education, relapse into the old superstition, it is further provided, that it be an instruction to the several clerks of the peace in every county in Great Britain, that this Act be read by the crier of the court at every quarter sessions, that all gentlemen there present may be duly apprized of the many privileges and exemptions to which they are intitled by the benefit of this Act.

And for the further security and enforcement of the several articles and matters contained in this Act, it is further provided and enjoined, that from and after the day and month abovesaid, no printer, publisher, bookseller, pamphlet-seller, hawker or pedlar, or any other person or persons whatsoever, shall presume to print, publish, vend, sell, or set to sale any edition of the said ten Commandments, in any volume, form, shape, or manner whatsoever, without having this Act printed, and bound up together with them, under the penalty of five pounds for every such offence.

You see, by this rough draught, the nature and design of this proposal, in which, if our representatives shall discover nothing, but what is highly reasonable and expedient for the welfare of the public, I cannot but hope for their favourable attention; and I cannot doubt, but that there will be found proper persons enough, who shall be both willing and able to prepare and bring in the said Bill.

I am,

SIR,

Your Faithful

Humble Servant.

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