PREFACE.

The following sheets contain-I. A Re-publication of Tracts which have been long out of print, on Law, and other subjects; to each of which is prefixed a short notice or advertisement.

II. Some thoughts, by the Editor, on Trial by Jury, the Law of Libel, &c., which are submitted with great humility to his Readers, if he shall have any.-III. Extracts from the writings of great, wise and good men, on the British Constitution in Church and State.-IV. A short account of the French Revolution, and its effects on other countries, with some Miscellaneous Essays collected from various writers, on our Government and Institutions; and Observations on the danger and mischief of Innovation; and a few Suggestions of the Editor, for what he humbly thinks would be really useful improvements. A more particular enumeration will be found in the Table of Contents.

The Selections here offered, are conceived to be peculiarly applicable to the present times; inasmach as this once mighty kingdom (if we may still use the word) is arrived at a serious, an awful crisis.--This situation is owing to the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, who, contrary to their own declared opinion, and to the sentiments of a great majority, in number, wealth and intelligence, of the people of Great Britain, but with the best intention, opened the door to destructive innovation; and admitted into the Legislature, the enemies of our Constitution. One effect of this unhappy measure was, that these ministers were unfortunately deserted by most of their old friends and adherents, who were offended at their tergiversation; and they were ungratefully opposed by those who ought to have been their new friends and supporters, but who, though most discordant among themselves, factiously united against them. Nor was this the only bad consequence; since instead of allaying the discontents of the Irish Romanists, the concession of their claim encouraged further demands, and turbulent agitation, with a view to separate one member of the

empire from the rest, and to undermine and overthrow a portion of our National Protestant Church. The ministers were thus soon driven from the state helm, and their downfall was not greatly regretted.

It is a self-evident truth, an axiom in politics, that a government strong enough to maintain its authority, should never yield to intimidation; because, if it acts from fear, it ceases to be a government, and in place of governing is governed. All governments should listen to reason, and concede what is reasonable, but grant nothing to menace. When the Irish Catholics be

came so clamorous as to threaten the government, it was natural to enquire what use they would probably make of the power they demanded, if obtained; whether it would be employed for the common good, or for political ascendancy, and to the prejudice of the Protestants, who if less numerous, were ten times more wealthy? And on the result of this consideration, the ministry should have acted. Now the eagerness and violence with which the Catholics urged their claim, were decisive reasons against the concession of it, as the event has fully and fatally proved.* This was clearly foreseen and often forcibly stated by that champion of Protestantism, the late learned Doctor Duigenan.

To give way in any case to popular rashness, to the people's momentary opinions and desires, is, as Mr. Burke said, to throw society back upon that Democracy which one part of our Constitution was formed to avoid. But the executive government seemed to be unnerved by an overbearing confederacy, and instead of being the dread, became the scorn of high-crested faction."

Those who succeded the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel's ministry had been for a long time gasping at place and power; and, taking advantage af the new revolution in France, (which their predecessors with breathless and unaccountable haste acknowledged) they thought it a favourable opportunity for reviving their former schemes, which it was supposed they had

The Catholics are not blamed for seeking power, but the Government for giving it. If Protestants were numerous in Rome they would probably do the like; but would the Holy Father grant their request?

abandoned. To attain this end, they made an unwarrantable use of the sovereign's name; they encouraged seditious meetings; corresponded with political clubs and unions, (though they affected to discountenance them by a proclamation,) and they suffered, or rather incited, a mercenary press to revile and calumniate the clergy, the peers, and all that is most venerable in our institutions. By these means they deluded and debauched the minds of a large portion of the community, especially of the poorer classes, who are always eager for change. For, under the best constitution and government that ever did or ever will exist, if factious men will flatter the indigent with the hopes of reducing their taxes, advancing their wages, and levying contributions on persons of large property, particularly the landowners and clergy, there will at all times be a multitude, who, attracted by such prospects, will readily join the standard of revolution and pillage. The working part of the population, or operatives, as they are now termed, will be joined by religious sects; by the enemies of all religion and order; and as a matter of course, by the many thousands of rogues, thieves and vagabonds, who swarm in our immense cities and towns, and constantly compose the major part of mobs and popular meetings.

Thus backed and assisted, the new statesmen were emboldened to commence the work of change; they assumed the mask of liberality, talked of "The March of Intellect," "The Spirit of the Age," and the like catching and deceptive phrases; and by professing to reform abuses, lower imposts, make retrenchments, abolish places and pensions, with various other false pretences, aided by a suicidal House of Commons, they effected a most dangerous breach in the fabric of our noble constitution, by disfranchising boroughs, diminishing the qualification, and increasing the number of the constituents; thus destroying the

* Great numbers of the more respectable inhabitants of cities and towns considered the value of their suffrages so much reduced, by being placed on a level with those of persons little better than paupers, that they declined registering their names, though the expence was but one shilling.

constitutional balance; and doing more harm in a few months, than they and their party can ever remedy; so that at this moment (it is in vain to dissemble it) the country is in a state of revolution.

This great mischief has been brought about by a ministry, some of them vain, self-sufficient, and arrogant, with little judgment; others without experience; and nearly all of them at variance with each other, which caused the most talented of the whole to resign their offices in disgust.

The Reform Parliament contained a number of persons elected by the new constituency, who were deficient in talents, information and demeanour; persons with whom, a few years ago, a gentlemen would not sit at table; while some of the ablest members of the former Parliament were excluded. Into the new body a system of vulgarity found its way, which was before unknown, such as barking, howling, braying, mewing, crowing, and whistling, with other offensive and indecent modes of annoyance and interruption, which were not practised even in the Jacobin assemblies of France. To such behaviour, their blundering acts of legislation were perfectly suitable.

The conduct of the reforming ministers was not less extraordinary and unbecoming than that of the new legislators. They went about to distant parts of the kingdom, to attend spouting political dinners, make speeches, and, as it were, to put themselves on their trial, taking care to have favourable, though not very abstemious or sober juries. A pre-eminent person travelled through the country, like Jack-with-the-Lantern, or Will-with-the-Wisp, to enlighten the benighted people, which he did as successfully as those ancient illuminators; and, as was justly observed in the newspapers, the great seal was dragged through the kennel. In fact, the ministers, like itineOn these rant actors, became literally a strolling Cabinet. occasions some of the noble orators had the most indecorous altercations, and they moreover aspersed each other in print; one making a charge against his adversary of divulging state secrets. In short, there never was a more undignified exhibition.

It is no wonder therefore that the sovereign became dissatis fied with his advisers, and appointed others. If Sir Robert Peel and his associates can maintain their ground, and can repair only half the injury caused by their own and Lord Grey's measures, they will achieve a greater victory than that of Waterloo. Indeed, many persons now see reason to regret that glorious event, as its principal effect has been to overthrow a man who, ambitious and despotic as he was, could alone keep in proper subjection, a nation of Tiger-Baboons, (as their countryman, Voltaire, well described them,) a nation who are the pest of the world. If Bonaparte could, as it is probable after his defeat he might, have been confined to France, his dethronement was a misfortune, rather than a benefit to Europe.

In the year 1792, this country was fast approaching to a state similar to the present; but owing chiefly to the councils of Mr. Pitt, and the pen of Mr. Burke, the march of sedition and revolution was checked. Mr. Burke proclaimed "that when bad men combined, good men should associate!" They did associate, the late John Reeves,* to his immortal honour, being at their head; they circulated many useful publications; the sound part of the nation was roused almost to a man; thousands of loyal addresses were presented to the throne; the peril ceased, and this kingdom and its constitution were preserved for 40 years. At that time the writer of this privately gave his feeble aid to the good cause, and was rewarded by the secret gratification of having seen it triumph. In the course of that period a ferocious and formidable rebellion was put down in Ireland; the Union with that kingdom was effected; and an "extended, expensive and bloody war" was gloriously concluded, after a series of unparalleled victories on the part of this country.

* In return for Mr. Reeves's loyal services, the opposition of that day, not only called him an alarmist and grossly abused him, but afterwards, in consequence of a Pamphlet ascribed to him, moved the House of Commons that he should be prosecuted by the Attorney-General, which that House thought fit to order, and that merely upon a mutilated sentence of the work. His enemies most unfairly prejudged his case in their speeches, anticipating a conviction as inevitable; but to their great mortification a Jury pronounced an acquittal. He was a learned, liberal and friendly man, as Mr. Cobbett can vouch. The Writer had the honour of being well acquainted with him.